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The Ohio State University Bulletin 



The Loyalists of 


Professor in 
The Ohio State University 


Entered as second-class matter November 17, 1905, at the post-office at Columbus, 
Ohio, under Act of Congress, July 16, 1894. 





Dunmore, Connolly, and Loyalism at Fort Pitt 9 

Connolly s Plot 10 

The Loyalists Plan to Capture Red Stone Old Fort 13 

Flight of the Loyalist Leaders from Pittsburgh, March 28, 1778 14 

Loyalist Associations and the Plot of 1779-1781 15 

Where the Refugees from the Upper Ohio Settled after the War 17 



The Loyalists on the Upper Delaware and Upper Susquehanna Rivers ... 19 

Exodus of Loyalists from the Susquehanna to Fort Niagara, 1777-1778 19 

The Escort of Tory Parties from the Upper Valleys to Niagara 20 

Where These Loyalists Settled 21 



Political Sentiment in Philadelphia and Its Neighborhood in 1775 22 

Operations of the Committee of Safety, 1775-1776 23 

Activities of the Committee of Bucks County, July 21, 1775, to August 

12, 1776 26 

Effect of the Election of April, 1776, in Philadelphia 27 

Tory Clubs in the City 27 

The Constitutional Convention of Pennsylvania, July, 1776, and Later.. 28 

Effect of Howe s Invasion of New Jersey, November and December, 1776 29 

Continued Disaffection in Berks County and in Philadelphia, 1777 31 



The Test Acts of April 1 and June 13, 1777 32 

Persistence of Loyalism in Philadelphia and the Neighboring Region, 

August, 1777 34 

Effects of Howe s Expedition to Philadelphia, August 25, 1777, and Later 35 
Arrest of the Proprietary and Crown Officials, July 31, 1777, to Octo 
ber 1, 1777 37 


AUGUST 25, 1777, to JUNE 18, 1778 

The Loyalist Accessions of the British Army 38 

The Conduct of Philadelphians at the Approach of Howe s Army. ... 39 

The Forming of Loyalist Regiments 40 

Philadelphia s Tory Administration 43 

The Battle of Germantown 46 

Philadelphia as an Asylum for Loyalist Refugees 46 

Intercourse between the City and Its Environs 47 

Festivities in Philadelphia during the "Tory Supremacy" 50 

The Evacuation of the City by the British and Many Loyalists 52 

Their Retreat across New Jersey, June 17 to July 5, 1778 53 

The Loyalist Regiments in Camp 54 

Damage to Philadelphia and Germantown by the British Occupation .... 54 



Operations of the Council of Safety, October 13, 1777 56 

Appropriating the College in Philadelphia and the Estates of Refugees, 

January 2, 1778, to April 27, 1781 57 

Disabilities of Non-jurors under the Act of April 1, 1778 59 

Phases in the Hstory and Endowment of the University of Pennsylvania, 

February, 1779, to December, 1791 60 

Adjustment of the Claims of the Proprietaries, February, 1778, to 1791. . 62 



Acquisition of the Tract and Its Opening to White Settlers, September 

25, 1783, to February 23, 1787 66 

Transfer to Pennsylvania of the United States Government s Title, 

September 4, 1788, to March 4, 1789 66 



Benedict Arnold as Commandant of Philadelphia, June 19, 1778, to 

mid-July, 1780 68 

Prosecution of Inimical Persons, 1779 68 

The Problem of Ridding Philadelphia of the Wives of Loyalist Refugees, 

1779 to 1782 72 

Action of Continental Army Officers in the City against the Disaffected, 

April 6, 1780 75 

Philadelphia under Martial Law, June 9, 1780 76 

Illicit Trade between Philadelphia and New York, 1779-1780 78 

The Tory Plot to Carry Off the Secret Journals of Congress, Novem 
ber, 1781 79 

Continuance of the Illicit Traffic between Philadelphia and New York, 

1782 80 

Attempts to Suppress Loyalist Depredations in Southeastern Pennsyl 
vania, 1782-1783 80 

Opposition to the Return of Loyalists under the Terms of the Treaty 

of 1783 . 81 



Applications, Suspensions, and Full Pardons 83 

Joseph Galloway s Petition 85 

Loyalists in Philadelphia after the Peace 86 

Efforts to Abolish the Test Laws, 1784 87 

The Test Act of March 4, 1786 89 

The Repeal of the Test Acts, March 13, 1789 90 

A Curious Instance of the Revival of the Old Animosities 90 



The Confiscation and Sale of Loyalist Estates, October, 1777, to April 12, 

1779 92 

The Period of Sales, April, 1779, to December, 1790 92 

The Use of Confiscated Estates for the Endowment of the University and 

for Other Purposes 94 

Exceptional Cases of Confiscation 94 




Early Departures from Philadelphia and New York 96 

Provision for the Large Number of Refugees in New York after 

the British Evacuation of Philadelphia 98 

Departures from New York to London in 1783 98 


Many Families from Pennsylvania Settle at Shelburne, Nova Scotia 100 
The Founding of Guysborough, Nova Scotia, Spring of 1784 101 


The Early History of Pennfield, July, 1783, June, 1803 101 

The Resolution of Philadelphia Citizens against the Return of 

Refugees 103 

Letter of the Officers of Loyalist Regiments at New York to Sir 

Guy Carleton, March 14, 1783 103 

Departure of the Loyalist Regiments to St. John River, September 

15, 1783 104 

The Drawing of Regimental Tracts and Town Lots 105 


The New Jersey Volunteers 106 

The Royal Guides and Pioneers 108 

The Queen s Rangers 108 

The Pennsylvania Loyalists 109 


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persion of the American Tories." In The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, I. 


Toryism or Loyalism became active among the frontiersmen of 
western Pennsylvania before it did in other parts of the Colony. 
This activity was evoked in the early seventeen seventies by Lord 
Dunmore s attempt to settle the boundary dispute between Virginia 
and Pennsylvania by taking forcible possession of Fort Pitt. Dun 
more s agent in effecting this enterprise was Dr. John Connolly, 
captain commandant of the militia in the region concerned, who 
with about 80 of his men seized the fort at the end of January, 
1774, changed its name to Fort Dunmore, organized the surround 
ing district into a new county, and thus supplanted or usurped the 
authority of Pennsylvania on the upper Ohio. The new order of 
things found many supporters among the old residents of Pitts 
burgh, those who resisted being severely dealt with by the com 
mandant, while the neighboring Indians were subjected to depre 
dations by Connolly and his adherents. Stirred thus to acts of 
retaliation, the savages were not restored to a state of submission 
until Dunmore had conducted the militia of the frontier counties 
on an expedition against them, which received the sounding appel 
lation of Dunmore s War. 

The clash of authority between the new regime and the old 
at Fort Dunmore is illustrated by a proclamation issued by Con 
nolly at the end of this year. In this manifesto the commandant 
said that he was informed that certain persons in the region round 
about, who were called collectors, were apparently authorized to 
commit various deeds of violence, including the breaking open of 
doors, cupboards, etc., in order to extort money from the inhabi 
tants under the name of taxes. He therefore apprised his Majesty s 
subjects that there could be no authority legally vested in anybody 
to perform such acts "at this juncture," that such measures were 
unwarrantable as abuses of public liberty, and that all persons 
had an undoubted natural, as well as lawful, right to repel them. 
The proclamation closed by directing the people to apprehend any 
one attempting the seizure of their effects, in consequence of such 



imaginary authority, in order that he might be dealt with accord 
ing to law. 1 

In June, 1775, Connolly held an Indian council at the fort in 
pursuance of the programme of his patron, the governor of Vir 
ginia, to win the redmen for the King, and he tells us in his Nar 
rative that he "had the happiness" of doing so. He also relates 
how he brought together a group of his friends "most of them 
either officers in the militia, or magistrates of the county" (of 
West Augusta) who entered into a secret agreement to assist in 
restoring constitutional government, if he could procure the nec 
essary authority to raise men. It is clear, therefore, that Connolly 
and his adherents were determined to prepare for armed resist 
ance to the revolutionary party, which had assumed control of 
the colonial government. 

As a precautionary measure, which Dunmore deemed needful 
on account of the numerous friends of the American cause on the 
upper Ohio, the commandant disbanded the garrison of Fort Dun- 
more in the early days of July, and on the 20th of that month set 
out for Virginia to submit his plans for future operations to the 
official he was serving. Arrived at Norfolk, where Dunmore was 
already a refugee on board a British man-of-war, Connolly spent 
two weeks completing his arrangements, and then proceeded to 
Boston to lay them before General Gage. In brief, his plan was 
to secure the cooperation of the whites and Indians from the royal 
post at Detroit and the garrison from Fort Gage on the Illinois in 
an expedition against the upper Ohio, where he would enlist a 
battalion of Loyalists and some independent companies, besides 
gaining the active support of the neighboring Indians. With the 
force thus collected, he would seize or, if necessary, destroy forts 
Pitt and Fincastle, and form a junction with Lord Dunmore at 
Alexandria, thus severing the Southern Colonies from the North 
ern and assuring the success of the royal cause in the South. That 
the Indian villages might be prepared for his coming, Loyalist 
traders went among them to represent to them that the American 
"Long Knives" were no less enemies of the tribesmen than of the 
King. This part of Connolly s plot was the first to be thwarted, 
for the Committee of Correspondence of West Augusta County 
brought about a conference in September and October, 1775, at 
Pittsburgh between the tribes from the Ohio, upper Allegheny, 

1 Colon. Records of Pa., X, 288. 


and the neighborhood of Detroit and the commissioners of Con 
gress, which terminated in a treaty of peace and neutrality. 2 

But other unforeseen contingencies were to arise to the com 
plete undoing of the plot. Connolly returned to Virginia after a 
prolonged stay in Boston, received a commission as lieutenant 
colonel commandant from Dunmore, and in company with two 
Loyalists, Allen Cameron and Dr. John Ferdinand Dalziel Smyth, 
set out for Detroit, November 13. Smyth was to be appointed sur 
geon and Cameron a lieutenant in the battalion the Loyal For 
esters to be raised by their companion. A week later the trio was 
arrested a few miles north of Hagerstown, and a few days there 
after a copy of Connolly s "proposals" was discovered in his pos 
session, whereupon Congress was asked what should be done with 
the prisoners. That body ordered that they be escorted to Phila 
delphia under guard. On the night of December 28, Dr. Smyth 
escaped from the jail at Fredericktown with letters to Connolly s 
wife and the Tory, Alexander McKee, at Pittsburgh, as also to 
military officers at Kaskasia and Detroit. The latter were urged 
to "push down the Mississippi and join Lord Dunmore." After a 
perilous journey of 300 miles, the undaunted messenger was cap 
tured by a party from Fort Pitt, January 12, 1776, with Con 
nolly s letters still on his person. He was then conveyed to Phila 
delphia, or as he picturesquely expresses it, he was "dragged in 
triumph 700 miles, bound. hands and feet, to the Congress." Mean 
time, Connolly and Cameron had been conducted to the same desti 
nation and were brought before the Committee of Safety, Janu- 
, ary 29, but were remanded to jail to remain until further orders 
as persons "inimical to the liberties of America." In the follow 
ing December Cameron and Smyth planned to escape from their 
confinement by a rope made of blankets. Smyth appears to have 
succeeded at this time, or soon after, for he came in with Lieuten 
ant James Murray and 61 recruits very soon after Howe s expedi 
tion landed at the head of the Elk River, August 25, 1777, and 
was given a captain s commission in the Queen s Rangers a month 
later. In representing his own services at the close of the war, 
Smyth with characteristic exaggeration claimed to have raised a 
corps of 185 men at his own expense, in addition to others in such 
numbers that his recruits composed the greater part of the Rang 
ers. Cameron, however, had the misfortune of breaking both his 
ankles by a fall of fifty feet, when he attempted to descend by 


means of the improvised rope; but he recovered sufficiently to 
undertake the voyage to England in the winter of 1778, the Brit 
ish being then in possession of Philadelphia. In the fall of 1776 
Connolly was released on account of failing health, and was per 
mitted to reside on his parole at the house of his brother-in-law, 
James Ewing, on the Susquehanna River. Suspicions soon arising 
concerning his conduct, Connolly was remanded to jail, but was 
again allowed to retire to Swing s plantation, April 2, 1777, after 
furnishing a bond of 4,000 for his good behavior and prom 
ising not to depart more than five miles from the plantation. 
A little more than six months later Congress ordered its trouble 
some prisoner of war confined in the jail at Yorktown, where it 
was then sitting, on the ground that he was not acting consist 
ently with his parole and was believed to be the prospective in 
strument in a barbarous war with which the frontier was being 
threatened. He was kept in confinement until in November, 1779, 
when he was sent to Germantown on parole, and on July 4, 1780, 
was allowed to go to New York, under pledge of doing or saying 
nothing injurious to the United States and of conducting himself 
as a prisoner of war should do. Nevertheless, he promptly sub 
mitted plans to Sir Henry Clinton for employing provincial troops 
and Indian auxiliaries in attacking the frontier outposts, seizing 
Pittsburgh, fortifying the Alleghenies, and otherwise promoting 
the royal cause in that region. By April 3, 1781, the only progress 
Connolly appears to have made towards realizing these ambitious 
projects was in enlisting 58 Loyal Foresters; and when Clinton 
proposed to commission him lieutenant colonel commandant in 
the Queen s Rangers, he accepted the commission and sailed with 
that corps for Yorktown, Va. On his arrival at Yorktown, Con 
nolly was appointed by Cornwallis to the command of the Vir 
ginia and North Carolina Loyalists, with a detachment of the 
York Volunteers, and was sent to protect the inhabitants of the 
peninsula formed by the James River and Chesapeake Bay. Late 
in September he was again taken prisoner, but after Cornwallis s 
surrender was permitted by the governor of Virginia to return to 
Philadelphia, where he arrived, December 12th. At the end of the 
same month Connolly was brought before the Supreme Executive 
Council of Pennsylvania, on the charge of having violated his pa 
role in Virginia, and was committed to the common jail, inasmuch 
as his going at large would be "dangerous to the public welfare 


and safety." With him was incarcerated one of his Loyal Forest 
ers, James Lewis, who attended him as a servant. Connolly re 
mained in prison until March 1, 1782, when through the efforts 
of friends he was permitted to withdraw to New York, on condi 
tion of his going to England. This condition he fulfilled "when the 
fleet sailed." In his Narrative Colonel Connolly tells us that the 
recruits he had raised in Virginia, together with the officers he 
had warranted for his intended regiment, shared the fate of Corn- 
wallis s army at Yorktown, and that those recruits (Loyal For.-, 
esters) who had remained at New York, "as soon as the war be 
came merely defensive, were drafted into another corps." The 
misfortunes of Connolly and his intimates served to block, not once 
but several times, a plot that American historians agree was the 
most formidable Tory enterprise ever concocted against the back 
country during the entire revolutionary period, and one which, 
if successful, might have produced grave consequences for the 
American cause in general. 2 

There were, however, other Tory enterprises besides Con 
nolly s, which aimed at the reduction of the country on the upper 
Ohio. One of these was revealed late in August, 1777, to Colonel 
Thomas Gaddis of Westmoreland County, Pa., who in turn 
warned Lieutenant Colonel Thomas Brown at Redstone Old Fort 
on the Monongahela that the local Tories had associated for the 
purpose of cutting off the other inhabitants. While Brown kept 
guard over his powder magazine and sent word to the patriots to 
be "upon their watch," Gaddis and Colonel Zackwell Morgan of 
Monongalia County, Va., at once led out the militia, together with 
some unenlisted men, in search of the Loyalists; and by August 
29, Colonel Morgan was able to report that he had already cap 
tured numbers of associators, who confessed that they were in 
league with certain leading men at Fort Pitt and were awaiting 
a concerted attack by a force of British, French, and Indians on 
that post, which was then to be surrendered with but little oppo 
sition. Some of those involved in this plot fled to the mountains. 
Among these was Henry Maggee of the Perth Valley in Cumber 
land County, who resorted with thirty others to the fastnesses of 
the Alleghenies. Some years later Maggee made an affidavit that, 

2 Siebert, "The Tories of the Upper Ohio" in Bien. Report, Arch, and Hist., W. Va., 
1911-1914, 41 ; Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Apr., 1889, 154-166 ; Oct., 1889, 281-286 ; Colon. 
Records of Pa., X, 461, 470 ; XI, 196 ; XIII, 160, 163. Papers read before the Lancaster Co. 
Hist. Soc., VII, No. 6, 126; Sec. Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont., Pt. II. 1144-1146; Rev. W. O. 
Raymond s Ms. Notes from the Muster Rolls of the Provincial Corps; Am. Arch. f 4th Ser., 
IV, 88, 104, 112, 155, 479, 508, 598, 617; V, 1119, 1121, 1122; VI, 433, 434, 435. 


in conjunction with his friends, he had induced 431 men to sign 
for enlistment in Butler s Rangers, whose headquarters were at 
Fort Niagara, but that these recruits were obliged to disperse 
when one of their number turned informer. Maggee first went to 
Philadelphia and in 1778 to Nova Scotia. It is not unlikely that 
William Pickard and his two sons of Westmoreland County signed 
Maggee s agreement, for we find them joining Butler s Rangers in 
1777. Alexander Robertson, an Indian trader, who was one of 
those caught planning to destroy the powder magazine on the upper 
Ohio, also fled in the same year. 3 

The closing scene in the conspiracy of 1777 was enacted at 
Pittsburgh, March 28, 1778, when Captain Alexander McKee, Mat 
thew Elliott, Simon Girty, Robert Surphlitt, John Higgins, and 
McKee s two negroes made their escape. Captain McKee was the 
deputy superintendent of Indian Affairs at Fort Pitt, Surphlitt 
was his cousin, and Higgins appears to have been one of his serv 
ants. Simon Girty had long acted as interpreter for the Six Na 
tions. During a considerable time both McKee and Girty had been 
regarded as suspicious characters and, after an investigation into 
the alarming situation on the Western frontier by a commission 
appointed by Congress, these two men and one other had been 
placed under arrest for a brief period in the autumn of 1777. In 
Matthew Elliott, who was an Indian trader, the little party of 
fugitives had a guide who knew the route to Detroit. The trail 
followed by these Loyalists led through what is now southern 
Ohio, by way of Coshocton and Old Chillicothe on the west bank 
of the Scioto River (the site of the present village of Westfall) 
and thence through the Wyandot towns on the Sandusky River to 
their destination. At the Shawnee village of Old Chillicothe Mc 
Kee and his followers found James Girty, whom they persuaded to 
join them later at Detroit. Shortly after their arrival at this Brit 
ish post, Lieutenant Governor Henry Hamilton appointed McKee 
deputy agent for Indian Affairs, Elliott captain in the Indian 
Department, and Simon Girty interpreter and agent in the secret 
service. Thus, these men were afforded full opportunity to insti 
gate and take a leading part in operations against the frontier 

Thwaites and Kellogg, Frontier Defense on the Upper Ohio, X, 14, 21-24, 33-42, 46, 
61-53, 64-68, 70, 142-145, 184-187, 260; Jour, of Cong, (new ed.), IX, 831, 942-944, 1018; Sec. 
Rep. Bur. of Archives, Ont., (1904), Pt. I, 537; Pt. II, 963, 964; Pt. I, 150. 


which they had left but recently/ That there were other acces 
sions at Detroit of Loyalists from Pittsburgh during this period 
appears probable from the statement of Brigadier General Edward 
Hand, who wrote from the latter post, April 24, 1778, to General 
Horatio Gates, complaining that since the 18th of the preceding 
January forty men had deserted from his small garrison, including 
fourteen who had disappeared on the night of April 23d, taking 
with them a party of the country people. Hand added that he had 
detached four officers and forty men in pursuit. One of the forty 
deserters to whom Hand referred was Henry Butler, who arrived 
at Kaskasia on the Mississippi near the close of the preceding 
February. James Girty made his appearance at Detroit in August, 
1778, and was at once appointed interpreter for the Shawnee. 
Nearly a year later George Girty came in. He had been a prisoner 
for twelve months at New Orleans, whence he had journeyed by 
a long and arduous path through the Indian country. He also was 
made an interpreter in the Indian Department at Detroit. 5 

The numerous flights from Pittsburgh and its vicinity since 
the days of Dunmore s War had removed those Loyalists best qual 
ified to lead in regaining control of the upper Ohio for the Crown. 
Connolly, McKee, and the others had thenceforth to labor under 
the great disadvantage of forming their plots and attempting their 
expeditions at long range against a foe that was familiar with 
their purposes and methods, and that was ever alert to thwart 
them. There was still, however, a considerable body of Tories on 
the upper Ohio, despite the desertions of March and April, 1778, 
from Fort Pitt. With the spread of the rumor in the early part 
of 1779 that the Loyalists and Indians at Detroit were preparing 
to penetrate to Pittsburgh, Hugh Kelly of Maryland betook him 
self to the neighboring Red Stone settlement and enlisted 175 men ; 
while his associate, James Fleming of Frederick County, Va., 
raised 75 recruits at Kittanning. According to the formal state 
ment that was submitted by Fleming and Kelly to the authorities 
in London toward the end of the Revolution, the work of organiz 
ing the Loyalists was extended by them into the adjacent portions 
of Maryland and Virginia, through the agency of Adam Graves, 

* Thwaites and Kellogg, Frontier Defense on the Upper Ohio, 249-255, 260, n. 14 ; Hecke- 
welder s Narrative, 182 ; Thwaites and Kellogg, Rev. on the Upper Ohio, 74, 75 ; Sec. Rep., 
Bur. of Archives, Out., (1904), Pt. II, 985, 987, 988, 1082, 1282. 

8 Thwaites and Kellogg, Frontier Defense on the Upper Ohio, 247, 278, 279, 286, 234, 
n., 98; Sec. Rep., Bur. of Archives, (1904), Pt. II, 988, 1284. 


John George Graves, and Nicholas Andrews, all of Maryland, with 
the result that up to June, 1781, nearly 1,300 volunteers were 
bound by oath to serve at call in a corps which they proposed to 
name the Maryland Royal Retaliators. Curiously enough, our in 
formants nowhere intimate that they had received commissions 
authorizing them to embody these men; and since the enlistment 
of the proposed corps never got beyond the provisional stage 
according to their own admission we can find no record of it in 
the Muster Rolls of the Loyalist, or Provincial, Regiments. Ac 
cording to the plan of campaign, as developed by the summer of 
1781, General Johnson was to operate with a large force in the 
neighborhood of Pittsburgh, and Colonel Connolly was to return 
from the region north of the James River and assist Johnson. 
Large numbers of British prisoners confined in Winchester, Stras- 
burg, Leesburg, Sharpsburg, Fort Frederick, and Fredericktown, 
Va., were to be released; the Tories of Somerset and Worcester 
counties on the Eastern Shore of Maryland were to be aided, 
should their petition meet with favor, by an expedition to be sent 
by General Leslie from Portsmouth, Va., to the Chesapeake, and 
the sea coast was to be molested by the privateers of the Associ 
ated Loyalists sent out from New York. 

This extended plan, as it happened, broke down at two points : 
the appeal of the Eastern Shore Tories to General Leslie was inter 
cepted; and the papers revealing the project and names of the 
Loyalist leaders of Frederick County were delivered by mistake 
to an American officer in Fredericktown, with the result ac 
cording to Kelly and Fleming s account that 170 of their associ 
ates were at once arrested. Of these, Adam and John George 
Graves, Nicholas Andrews, and four others were tried before a 
special court, July 25, 1781, and found guilty of high treason. 
Three of the seven were executed at Fredericktown ; Andrews, 
the two Graves brothers, and Fleming managed in some manner 
to escape to Cornwallis at Yorktown, whence they were fortunate 
enough to find their way to New York after the surrender, which 
occurred on October 19, 1781. At New York they found Kelly, who 
had preceded them thither. Meanwhile, the General Court at An 
napolis rendered the judgment of outlawry against about 100 lead 
ing Loyalists, some of whom were from Baltimore County, and at 
later periods against about 80 others from various localities in 


Maryland, including Frederick, Charles, Kent, Montgomery, Som 
erset, and Worcester counties. 

With the exception of several of the leaders, it is impossible 
to trace the fugitives from the upper Ohio to the localities where 
they settled after the return of peace. Hugh Kelly was in Halifax 
in December, 1785, where he made representations of his losses 
before one of the British Commissioners on Loyalist Claims; and 
it is probable that one or more of his intimates and some of his 
followers were also in Nova Scotia. Alexander McKee, Simon 
Girty, and a few of the Loyalists who had taken refuge at Fort 
Detroit secured deeds from the Ottawa Indians to Colchester and 
Gosfield townships on the shore of Lake Erie east of the Detroit 
River, and opened them to settlement. The transfer of "The Two 
Connected Townships" thus effected was irregular, and had to be 
rectified by a reconveyance of the districts from the Indians to the 
Canadian Government. In 1788 the two townships were laid out 
in one hundred and nine lots, and during the next five years the 
settlers who had previously entered the tract were confirmed in 
the possession of their properties. Thus, arose "The New Settle 
ment," which began about five miles east of the Detroit River and 
extended for a distance three times as great along the lake front 
to the eastward. Some of those who drew lots in the two town 
ships did not locate there, going instead to the River Thames, 
where the soil was of a better quality; while others, to the num 
ber of a hundred or more, became discouraged on account of the 
long delays in obtaining provisions and tools from the govern 
ment, and returned to the United States. The region next to the 
Detroit River remained for a time unsettled, partly because of its 
marshy character and partly on account of doubtful claims. In 
January, 1793, however, John Graves Simcoe, formerly colonel of 
the Queen s Rangers, one of the Loyalist Corps, and now lieuten 
ant governor of Ontario, took action, along with his council, by 
which this tract was constituted the township of Maiden and was 
granted to Alexander McKee, Matthew Elliott, and Captain Wil 
liam Caldwell. The settlers who had already made improvements in 
the new township were secured in their holdings at the same time. 

6 Rep. on Am. Mss. in Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., Ill, 6. 46, 47 ; I, 20 ; IV, 241 ; Sec. 
Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont., (1904), Pt. I, 55, 56; Scharf, Hist, of Md., II. 366-368; Siebert, 
"The Tories of the Upper Ohio" in Bien. Rep., Archives and Hist., W. Va., (1911-1914), 45, 46. 


Captain Caldwell, it may be added, was one of Colonel John But 
ler s Rangers from Fort Niagara. 7 

7 See. Rep., Bur. of Archives, Out. (1904), Pt. I, 65; Third Rep., Bur. of Archives, 
Ont. (1906), 222, 223; Siebert, "The Dispersion of the American Tories," in the Miss. Valley 
Hist. Rev., I, 189, 190. 



There was a considerable Loyalist element among the early 
settlers on the upper Delaware and upper Susquehanna rivers 
in northeastern Pennsylvania. This was especially true of the 
Germans of the Susquehanna, among whom the proportion of Loy-U 
alists was larger, so far as our scanty evidence indicates, than 
among their neighbors of the English and Irish nationalities. 
Various things suggest that the strife between the Whigs and 
Tories of Tryon County, New York, which centered at Johnstown 
in the lower Mohawk Valley and resulted in the flight of the John 
sons to Canada in August, 1775, was not without effect beyond the 
southern boundary of the Province. One of the refugees from 
Johnstown was John Butler, who was sent by the Canadian au 
thorities to Fort Niagara in the following November. Other Loy 
alists also made their way to this British outpost, including John 
Depue, who arrived during the winter of 1776-77, bringing let 
ters from seventy of his neighbors on the Susquehanna proposing 
to enlist as rangers under Butler s command. This seems to have 
been the first suggestion of the formation of a corps of armed 
frontiersmen and raiders at Niagara ; although it was not the first 
time that Butler had held communication with these persons, for 
he had already invited them to come to the fort. Among the earli 
est of the group to enter the ranks of the new regiment were Depue 
himslf , Frederick Auger and his two sons, and Hendrick Windron. 
Mr. Windron relates that he was accompanied on his journey from 
the Susquehanna to Niagara by his wife and children and several 
other families of Loyalists. 1 

In the spring of 1777, not long after the Pennsylvania As 
sembly had passed an act defining treason and misprision of trea 
son, Philip Bender and the Loyalists of his settlement made the 
long and arduous journey of several hundred miles to Fort Ni 
agara. Others who testify that they went in the same year are 

1 Siebert, "The Loyalists and Six Nation Indians in the Niagara Peninsula" in Trans. 
Roy. Soe. Can., IX (1915), 80, 81, and references there given. 



William Pickard and his two sons, Casper Hover and his three 
sons, Abraham Wartman, Conrad Sills, Henry Lyman, William 
Vanderlip, and George Kentner, all of whom enlisted in the Rang 
ers. It is very probable that some of these were members of the 
party with which Philip Bender went, and that the fathers of 
families were accompanied not merely by their older sons but also 
by their wives and younger children. We learn of but one recruit 
from the Susquehanna in St. Leger s expedition, namely, Philip 
Buck, who joined it at Fort Stanwix, although there may have 
been others. In 1778 the movement to Niagara continued with 
the flight of John Wintermute, Thomas Millard and his three sons, 
Edward Turner and his father, evidently with other families, and 
Michael Thomas. 

This exodus from the Susquehanna country had not been left 
to run its own course, but had been stimulated by the recruiting 
operations of Depue and the Mohawk chieftain, Joseph Brant, af 
ter the defeat of St. Leger. These activities are explained by the 
fact that Butler did not receive permission to organize his corps 
until after the catastrophe at Fort Stanwix. They were not con 
fined, however, to the upper Susquehanna, nor to the autumn of 
1777; for early in the following year Brant invaded the valley of 
the upper Delaware and gathered in sixty or seventy of the in 
habitants of that region, while at the time of his descent on Wy 
oming in the following summer, Butler gained an accession of 
forty more Delaware Valley Loyalists. From the fort at Wyom 
ing he released a party of adherents of the Crown, which took 
the Indian trail through the forest to Oswego, and, embarking 
thence in row boats, reached Niagara after spending nine days on 
the waters of Lake Ontario. Doubtless, the other refugees pur 
sued much the same route, or accompanied their rescuers on the 
march back to Fort Niagara. By 1779 the Tory population of the 
upper Susquehanna appears to have largely vanished, for we have 
the record of only one flight from this region in the year just 
named, that of Isaac Dobson. As Dobson had been imprisoned, 
he was prevented from leaving earlier. 2 

Numbers of these Loyalists from northeastern Pennsylvania 
enlisted in the Rangers, as we have observed above ; and not a few 
of them served under Colonel Butler throughout the Revolutionary 

3 Siebert, "The Loyalists and Six Nation Indians in the Niagara Peninsula" in Trant. 
Roy. Soc. Can., IX (1915), 82-86. and references there given. 


War. Probably most of them received grants of land in the Ni 
agara Peninsula at the close of the contest, as did the men of But 
ler s corps in general and the warriors of the Six Nations, who had 
made Fort Niagara their base of operations since the fall of 1777. 
A few of the Pennsylvanians, however, soon drifted to other lo 
calities ; and individuals among them were to be found living a few 
years after the war at Fort Erie, at Detroit, on the Bay of Quinte, 
in the Fourth and Fifth townships on the north side of the St. 
Lawrence River, and at Montreal. In 1787 John Depue was a resi 
dent at Fort Erie. 3 

Sec. Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont., (1904). Pt. I. 831, 480; Pt. II. 968, 968. 970, 973. 974. 
975, 981. 984. 990, 997, 1001. 1008, 1262, 1263; Trans. Roy. Soc. Can.. IX (1916), 95, ff., 117. ff. 



In the early months of 1775 the division of sentiment in Penn 
sylvania over the question of resistance to the Crown was already 
manifest. The Convention of provincial delegates, which was then 
in session, approved of open resistance; and Philadelphians sus 
pected of loyal proclivities were being silenced or driven out almost 
daily by means of advertisements, handbills, or personal warnings 
which, if unheeded, were followed in extreme cases by the ap 
plication of tar and feathers. At the same time, the Meeting for 
Sufferings of Pennsylvania and New Jersey Quakers issued a testi 
mony against usurpation of authority and against insurrections, 
conspiracies, and illegal assemblies, this last expression being ob 
viously intended to include the provincial conventions and the Con 
tinental Congress itself. It would be a mistake, however, to sup 
pose that the Meeting for Sufferings voiced the convictions of all 
members of the dominant sect in Pennsylvania ; for many of them 
quietly gave financial support to the Revolution, and some deviated 
from the principle of non-resistance to the extent of joining the 
association for defending with arms the lives, liberty, and property 
of the people, entering military organizations, and signing the test 
that was later prescribed by Congress and the State. 1 

The news from Lexington, which was received in Philadel 
phia five days after the battle, seems to have produced a marked 
effect upon the "Tory class" there, according to the Diary or Re 
membrancer of Christopher Marshall, a Quaker patriot of the city, 
who noted on May 7 that "Their language is quite softened, and 
many of them have so far renounced their former sentiments as 
that they have taken up arms, and are joined in the association; 
nay even many of the stiff Quakers, and some of those who drew 
up the Testimony are ashamed of their proceedings." It was, in 
deed, soon after this that a number of young Friends formed a 
company of light infantry in the American interest, which was 

1 Scharf and Westcott, Hist of Phila., I, 293, 294, 296, n. 1. 



under the command of Sheriff Joseph Cowperthwait, and was 
called the "Quaker Blues." Not inconsistent with Marshall s state 
ment regarding the changed conduct of the Philadelphia Loyalists 
were the observations of Judge Samuel Curwen, a fugitive Tory 
from Salem, Mass., who spent the week of May 5-12 in the Quaker 
City. In his search for lodgings, Curwen became convinced that 
the place was pervaded with ^congressional principles" to such a 
degree that no man there dared express a doubt concerning the 
feasibility of the projects of Congress, and that the inhabitants 
were displeased with New Englanders for making the town their 
haven of refuge. These views and the advice of his friend Judge 
Joseph Lee, a lukewarm Tory of Cambridge, Mass., who was lead 
ing the life of a recluse in Philadelphia, induced Mr. Curwen to re- 
embark, this time for London, Eng., where he arrived on July 3. 2 
Meantime, in keeping with the suggestion of Benjamin Frank 
lin, a Committee of Safety supplanted the Committee of Corre 
spondence on June 30, being given discretionary powers by the 
Pennsylvania Assembly. In employing these powers it dealt more 
severely with suspected and inimical persons than its predecessor 
had done. The new committee required well-known or self -acknowl 
edged Loyalists, like Amos Wickersham, Mordecai Levy, John Ber 
gen, and Thomas Loosley, to confess and recant their errors; and 
it was soon ordered by Congress to prevent the departure of all 
persons who were likely to do injury to the American cause. On 
August 12, the committee compelled Terence McDermot, "a vol 
unteer" in the King s army, and two officers, who were on their way 
to join the British forces in Boston, to sign an agreement not to 
bear arms against the United Colonies for one year or until ex 
changed; after which they were conveyed to Washington s camp 
at Cambridge, Mass. Isaac Hunt, who was defending a suit for 
the replevin of some forbidden goods for the avowed Loyalist, 
William Conn, was summoned before the Committee of Inspection ; 
but on refusing to discontinue the suit or apologize, he was carted 
through the streets behind a drum and fife playing the Rogue s 
March. The procession stopped before the home of Dr. John 
Kearsley, Jr., an uncompromising Tory, who became so furious at 
the spectacle that he snapped his pistol at the crowd. Mr. Hunt 

2 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 300, 301 ; Duane, ed.. Extracts from the Diary 
of Christopher Marshall; Sargent, ed., Loyal Verses of Jos. Stansbury and Dr. Jonathan Odftt, 
133 ; Curwln, Journal and Letters, 25-30. 487. 


appears to have seized this opportunity to ask the pardon of his 
persecutors, who released him and mounted Kearsley upon the cart 
in his place. Hunt soon after fled to England; and although his 
substitute was let go without an apology, which he refused to give, 
he was apprehended, together with several others, early in Octo 
ber, on the evidence of certain intercepted letters, which showed 
that he was endeavoring to bring about an invasion of Pennsyl 
vania by the British troops, besides engaging in other inimical 
practices. After trial by the Committee of Safety Kearsley was 
sent to York as a prisoner and died there during the war. The 
largest group of Loyalists that the committee ordered imprisoned 
during this year was brought in at the end of October from the 
New Jersey shore. It comprised Captain Duncan Campbell, Lieu 
tenant James S. Symes, and twenty-three privates of the Royal 
Highland Emigrants, a corps but recently formed, who were 
stranded while on their voyage from Boston to New York, were 
captured, and brought before the committee in Philadelphia. They 
were incarcerated in the jail and workhouse, the first prisoners of 
war to be confined in the Quaker City during the Revolution. 3 

Regardless of the suspicions already existing, and certain to 
be increased, concerning their neutrality, the Quakers, Menonists, 
and Dunkards or German Baptists, who enjoyed certain exemp 
tions at the hands of Congress, memorialized the Pennsylvania 
Assembly at this time in opposition to the general order for the 
enrollment of the militia. Thereupon, the Committee of Safety 
marched to the State House, carrying a remonstrance against the 
Quaker address, which was declared to present an aspect unfriendly 
to the liberties of America and destructive of society and govern 
ment. The remonstrance further alleged that "these gentlemen 
want to withdraw their persons and their fortunes from the serv 
ice of the country at a time when their country stands most in 
need of them." The association also sent in a remonstrance, de 
nouncing leniency to the lukewarm as nothing less than a fatal mis 
take. At length, in November, the Assembly went on record by 
making defensive service compulsory and "taxing all non-asso- 
ciators 2 10s above the regular assessment." This action, along 
with other developments of the time, only served to embolden the 

Colon. Records of Pa.. X, 280, 302, 342, 343, 359, 360, 367, 372, 373, 880, 385, 386, 410 ; 
Raymond, ed., Winslow Papers, 42, n: ; Rep. on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of G. Brit., II, 79 ; 
Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 295, 303. 


Quakers, for their Yearly Meeting published a testimony, which 
was adopted January 20, 1776, advising the members of the so 
ciety to stand firm in their allegiance and unite against every de 
sign of independence. Not content with testimonies and memorials, 
Quaker merchants and traders, as well as a few others, were in 
some instances required to apologize for breaches of the regulations 
established by the Committee of Inspection relating to the admis 
sion and prices of commodities, especially of foodstuffs; while in 
other instances they were denounced as enemies and excluded from 
all trade or intercourse with the other inhabitants, because they 
refused to accept Continental currency. 4 

v Besides these local offenders who were dealt with by the two 
committees, there were others from distant parts of the Province 
or from other Colonies who had been captured and sent to Con 
gress for adequate punishment, and were handed over by that 
body to the Committee of Safety for examination and sentence or 
for incarceration, as the case might be. Of such were some of the 
Tory prisoners who were transferred from the old prison to the 
new one in Philadelphia in January, 1776, including the notorious 
Dr. John Connolly and his two confederates, Dr. John Ferdinand 
Dalziel Smyth of Maryland and Allen Cameron of the Cherokee 
country, besides Colonel Moses Kirkland of South Carolina, who 
had been taken on his voyage to Boston ; General Donald McDonald, 
chief of the North Carolina Tories; Colonel Allen McDonald, and 
"twenty-five more of their set." In the following May, Colonel Kirk- 
land was enabled to escape by the aid of several local Loyalists, in 
cluding Arthur Thomas and his sons, who were constrained to flee 
when a mob attacked their house. Mr. Thomas tells us that he 
avoided seizure by taking his departure in the night, that he re 
mained in concealment for several weeks, but was caught in July 
and imprisoned. He also says that he succeeded in getting away to 
New York in the following September. A year later, however, Mr. 
Thomas returned to Philadelphia, on learning that the British 
army had taken possession of the city. Arthur Thomas, Jr., was 
also caught and imprisoned. Besides the Thomases, other Tories, 
either singly or in small groups, were brought before the Commit 
tee of Safety during the year 1776, thirty-three of these being se 
cured in New York in October. 5 

* Scharf and Westcott, Hist of Phila., I, 302, 305. 

* Ibid., 305, 326; 2d Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont. (1904), Pt. I, 613; Colon. Records of Pa., 
X, 461, 466, 469, 4TO, 472, 477, 485, 502, 616, 618, 638, 661, 662, 676, 731, 756, 778. 


Meanwhile, the outspoken Loylists of other communities in 
the State were being looked after by their local committees of 
safety. Thus, for example, on July 21, 1775, John Huff, Thomas 
Meredith, and Thomas Smith were reported to the committee of 
Bucks County as having uttered expressions derogatory to the 
American cause. Huff at once appeared before the committee, ac 
knowledged the charge, and made such concessions as were deemed 
a sufficient atonement. The accusations against the other two men 
were referred to a sub-committee for investigation, and on August 
21, Meredith s written apology was read, accepted, and ordered 
published. In it the writer not only repented of what he had done, 
but also "voluntarily" renounced his former principles and prom 
ised henceforth to render his conduct unexceptionable to his coun 
trymen by strictly adhering to the measures of Congress. Thomas 
Smith of Upper Makefield was much less submissive than his of 
fending brethren. At first he denied most of what was alleged 
against him ; but the committee, refusing to be satisfied with this, 
proceeded to examine several witnesses, as well as the defendant 
himself, and then ordered jbq statement published that Mr. Smith 
had declared in substance,m,That the Measures of Congress had al 
ready enslaved America and done more Damage than all the Acts 
of Parliament ever intended to lay upon us, that the whole was 
nothing but a scheme of a parcel of hot-headed Presbyterians and 
that he believed the Devil was at the bottom of the whole ; that the 
taking up Arms was the most scandalous thing a man could be 
guilty of and more heinous than an hundred of the grossest offences 
against the moral law, etc., etc., etc^yTogether with these opinions 
of the accused, the committee s sentence was also to be published, 
namely, that "the said Thomas Smith be considered as an Enemy 
of the Rights of British America, and that all persons break off 
every kind of dealing with him until he shall make proper satis 
faction to this Committee for his conduct." Before this case ap 
peared in the press, Thomas Smith expressed his penitence and re 
morse and presented a satisfactory recantation in writing to the 
committee. Other instances, in which, however, submission was 
always promptly made, are scattered through the minutes of the 
committee until July, 1776. From the first of that month until the 
12th of August, when the records come to an abrupt conclusion, 
the last four meetings of the committee dealt with a few offences 
committed by Loyalists against the resolutions passed by the As- 


sembly early in the preceding April, which provided for the dis 
arming of disaffected persons and non-associators and the supply 
ing of the confiscated arms to such Continental troops as should 
be raised in the Colony. 6 

Towards the end of April, 1776, the election for members of 
the General Assembly was held. The result of the canvass in Phila 
delphia, which had been preceded by much excitement, was of es 
pecial significance. By a combination of the local Tories and Mod 
erates, or as Christopher Marshall summed up the elements of the 
coalition, "the Quakers, papists, church, Allen family, with all the 
proprietary party," the Whigs were beaten. In reality, however, 
as was soon to appear, the Tories and their friends had overreached 
themselves. The patriots were now more than ever determined to 
overthrow the charter and the proprietary government, and to 
establish in its place a government founded on majority rule. In 
dependence was already recognized by the opposing parties to be 
the definite object of the war. 7 

With the development of these conditions in Philadelphia, some 
of the influential conservatives turned from public affairs in the 
city in order to seek retirement in outlying villages. Others of no 
political prominence, but whose minds were equally filled with 
fears, removed with their families to places that promised greater 
personal security than did the capital. Thus, early in May, 1776, 
Thomas Bartow, a merchant of Philadelphia, took his wife and five 
children to Bethlehem, where he made his home for the next three 
years. Of the four sons of Chief Justice William Allen brothers- 
in-law of Governor John Penn James withdrew with his small 
family to Allentown in Northampton County, June 16; John and 
his family went about the same time to Union Iron Works in 
Hunterdon County, N. J. ; Andrew retired soon after to his place 
at Neshaminy, and William, returning from Ticonderoga shortly 
after the Declaration of Independence, resigned his commission 
as lieutenant-colonel of militia. 8 

But most of the Tory residents continued in Philadelphia and, 
as they had held their political meetings before the election, so now 
they held congratulatory and convivial sessions. At the end of 
May, the Committee of Safety received confidential information 

6 Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., XV, 263, 265-270, 273, 275, 277, 279-281, 283, 285, 286, 
289, 290. 

7 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila, I, 811. 

8 Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Jan., 1889, 388 ; July, 1885, 187, 190 191 ; Am. Arch^ 6th 
Ser., Ill, 1280, 1281, 1377, 1397, 1434. 


according to Marshall s Diary, of not less than four different Tory 
clubs that were meeting frequently, one at the Widow Ball s in 
Lombard Street, another at the sign of the Pennsylvania Farmer, 
the third at Jones s beer house on the dock, and the fourth at the 
sign of the King s Arms. The impartation of this piece of informa 
tion led to the immediate appointment of a Committee of Secrecy, 
including Mr. Marshall and seven others, to examine all inimical 
and suspected persons of whom the committee might learn. The 
labors of the new committee resulted in a number of arrests and 
imprisonments, among those committeed being James Prescott, 
William Smith, Joseph Stansbury (the Tory poet), David Shoe 
maker, and others. 9 

Early in June, 1776, the Committee of Inspection was engaged 
in correspondence with the local committees of safety for the pur 
pose of having them send some of their members to the Provincial 
Conference, which was to meet in Philadelphia on the 18th to ar 
range for the election of members to a Constitutional Convention. 
On July 8 this election was held, and later in the same month the 
Convention met to frame a constitution for Pennsylvania. Under 
the guiding hand of its president, Benjamin Franklin, the Con 
vention supplanted the General Assembly, which finally passed out 
of existence on September 26. On July 19 it passed an ordinance 
requiring the commanding officers of the militia to appraise and 
take over such arms as the non-associators in their respective dis 
tricts had failed to deliver up according to the earlier resolutions 
of Congress and the Provincial Assembly, and to arm the associ- 
ators with the weapons thus secured. During the early days of 
September the Convention passed two ordinances that were in 
tended to limit the dangerous activities of the Loyalists. The first 
of these declared that every person owing allegiance to the State 
who, after the publication of the present decree, should levy war 
against the Commonwealth or give aid to the enemy, either within 
the State or elsewhere, and be convicted thereof, should be ad 
judged guilty of high treason and should forfeit his lands, tene 
ments, goods, and chattels, besides being imprisoned for any term 
not exceeding the duration of the war. The second ordinance pro 
vided that any person within the State, who should endeavor by 
writing or speaking to obstruct the measures of the United States 

8 Sargent, ed., Loyal Verses of Jos. Stansbury and Dr. Jonathan Odell, 117, 122 ; Duane, 
d. f Extracts from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, 80, 81. 


in defense of freedom, should, on the production of proper proof, 
give security for his good behavior, or stand committed until the 
security was forthcoming, or he was otherwise legally discharged. 
If, however, the offender was considered to be too dangerous for 
release by bail, the justice was to associate with himself two other 
justices of the neighborhood, and they together were to fix the 
term of imprisonment, provided it did not extend beyond the end 
of the war. The Convention also deposed Governor John Penn, 
and ignored the proprietary government. Meanwhile, it had elected 
a Council of Safety on July 22, thus dissolving the Committee of 
Safety ; but it did not disturb the Committee of Inspection for the 
present. The Council of Safety continued to exercise its functions 
until March 4, 1777, when the Supreme Executive Council, which 
was provided for in the constitution, assumed control. 10 

There was, then, to be no respite for the Tories and suspected 
persons in Pennsylvania; and in truth the Tories did not conduct 
themselves in such a way, after the adoption of the Declaration of 
Independence by Congress, as to conciliate the revolutionary party. 
They exposed themselves to the danger of arrest, and were incar 
cerated daily. Furthermore, their position was made the more diffi 
cult by the action of the new Assembly, which proceeded on Febru 
ary 11, 1777, to supply somewhat fuller definitions of treason and 
misprision of treason than the Constitutional Convention had done 
in the preceding September. In the middle of July numbers of 
Whig associators were sent into New Jersey to help defend that 
region against the anticipated British invasion. It was not, how 
ever, until the beginning of November that Howe began his march 
into the Jerseys, signalizing the event by a proclamation of am 
nesty to individuals, which he repeated at Trenton on November 
30. These proclamations, with the gloomy outlook for the Ameri 
can cause, are said to have induced some 3,000 Jersey farmers to 
swear allegiance to the Crown ; but their effect reached beyond the 
domain of the invaded Province. Thus, for example, in October, 
Gilbert Hicks of Bucks County fled to Shrewsbury, N. J., and in 
the following month to Trenton; but after Rahl s defeat at the 
latter place, January 2, 1777, he took refuge among some Tory 
families, until it was safe for him to enter Philadelphia. Shortly 
after Rahl s defeat, the Council of Safety adopted a resolution de- 

1 Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., XV, 279 ; Statutes at Large of Pa., IX, 11-12, 18-19 ; Laws 
of Pa., II, 144-147 ; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 316, 322, 323. 


daring that every person who was so devoid of honor, virtue, and 
love of his country as to refuse his assistance "at this time of emi 
nent public danger" might be suspected of designs inimical to the 
freedom of America, and that where such designs were very ap 
parent from the conduct of individuals, they ought to be confined 
during the absence of the militia. The officers of the State ware 
directed to act accordingly, reserving appeals to the Council, lit 
was the enforcement of this resolution that caused what James 
Allen called in his Diary a persecution of the Tories, when to use 
his own words "houses were broken open, people imprisoned with 
out any color of authority by private persons, and as was said a 
list of 200 disaffected persons [was] made out, who were to be 
seized, and imprisoned and sent off to North Carolina." In this list 
the Aliens were reported to be included. Under such an apprehen 
sion, Andrew and William joined their brother John at Union Iron 
Works, and the three brothers were not long in deciding to claim 
the protection of Howe s army at Trenton. Thence, they proceeded 
to New York City, leaving their families behind them. Many more 
influential citizens are said to have gone over to the enemy at this 
time. One of these was Joseph Galloway, the talented, wealthy, 
and prominent lawyer of Philadelphia who, after being visited by 
mobs that threatened him with a coat of tar and feathers and even 
with hanging, loaded some valuables into a wagon, quitted his 
country home at Trevose, and in company with several other nota 
ble Loyalists, made his way to the British camp at New Brunswick, 
N. J. James Allen, who had been bringing suspicion on himself 
by entertaining British officers at Allentown and in other ways, 
was arrested on December 19 by an armed guard, which took him 
before the Council of Safety at Philadelphia, where he pledged his 
honor "not to say or do anything injurious to the Cause of Amer 
ica." After remaining in and about the city for several days and 
noting that the place "seemed almost deserted and resembled a 
Sunday in service time," he returned to Allentown. The cause of 
this deserted appearance in the town was, of course, the fear that 
Howe would cross the Delaware and take possession of Philadel 
phia. About the only people who had not surrendered to the intense 
excitement of the hour and driven away with their household goods 
in such vehicles as could be had to places of refuge were some of 
the Tories and the Quakers. In the latter part of December, the 
Society of Friends had indeed issued their usual testimony urging 


the faithful to exercise a patient spirit and Christian fortitude in 
refusing to submit "to the arbitrary injunctions and ordinances of 
men who assume to themselves the power of compelling others, 
either in person or by assistance, to aid in carrying on war." 11 

The imprisonment of Joseph Stansbury and others of his fel 
low-townsmen at the instigation of the Committee of Secrecy had 
occurred under such circumstances that the Council of Safety ap 
pointed a committee of its own members to inquire into the causes 
of their commitment, with a view to determining the justice of dis 
charging them in case they would declare their allegiance to the 
State in writing. This action does not seem to have resulted in the 
immediate release of those concerned. 

Meantime, there had been much desertion among the militia, 
and when many of the principal men in Colonel Hunter s battalion 
of Berks County refused going to join Washington s army in Jan 
uary, 1777, the Council ordered the colonel to send the ringleaders 
among the disaffected to Philadelphia for discipline. That there was 
also widespread disaffection among the Philadelphians themselves 
appears from various sources, personal and official. James Allen 
says that Congress itself complained of this disloyalty, although, as 
he remarks, the people of the city had been favored with most of 
its official appointments and with its presence from the beginning. 
A notable instance of the thing complained of came to light in the 
early spring of 1777 through the detection of James Molesworth s 
attempt to bribe pilots to navigate Lord Howe s vessels from New 
York to Philadelphia. Molesworth, who had been for several years 
clerk to the mayor of the city, turned out to be a British spy and 
was hanged on the common on March 31. Five others, who were 
implicated in this business, made their escape. Others suspected 
persons and Tories were severely dealt with, among these being 
Major Richard V. Stockton of the New Jersey Volunteers, "the 
famous land pilot" to the King s troops, who had been surprised 
and taken prisoner on February 18, with about three score privates, 
all of whom were sent to Philadelphia for confinement. Several 
Delaware Tories, however, were released on giving security. 12 

11 Statutes at Large of Pa., IX, 45-47 ; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila,., I, 326, 829, 
336; Colon. Records of Pa., XI, 38, 43, 94; Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., July, 1885, 193-195; 
Oct., 1885, 280, 282, 286, 287; Dec., 1902, 432, 433; la Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont. (1904), 
Pt. I, 94 ; Am. Arch. 5th Ser., Ill, 1434. 

1 2 Scharf and Westcott, Hut. of Phila., I, 339 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., II, 335. 


The difficulty of finding quarters for the new levies continually 
pouring into Philadelphia after the battles of Trenton and Prince 
ton led to an order billeting them on the non-associators, greatly 
to the dismay of the local Tories. Another measure that proved 
more generally disturbing to this class of people was the militia 
bill passed by the Assembly, June 13, 1777, for the purpose of pro 
viding troops in place of the associators. It required all white male 
inhabitants of the State above the age of eighteen years, except 
those in the extreme western counties, to take the oath of allegi 
ance to Pennsylvania before July 1, 1777, to promise to do nothing 
to the prejudice of independence, and to expose all conspiracies and 
treasons that might come within their knowledge. Persons failing 
to take this oath were declared to be incapable of holding office, 
serving on juries, suing for debts, transferring real estate, and 
were liable to be disarmed by the county lieutenants and their dep 
uties, as also to be arrested if traveling outside of their respective 
cities or counties without a pass. 13 James Allen reports that but 
few of his neighbors in the County of Northampton subscribed to 
the oath of allegiance and that they seldom ventured from home 
because they ran "a risk of being stopt." Some of the leading men 
of the Moravian congregation at Bethlehem in this county were 
Tories. Thus, the Reverend George Kribel was compelled to serve 
a brief term in Easton jail in August, because he refused to abjure 
the King according to the specific requirements of the militia bill ; 
and John Francis Oberlin was required to resign the custody of 
the church store after serving as its keeper for many years, be 
cause he hotly remarked that he "had sufficient rope in his store 
to hang all Congress." At the time of the active search for Loyal 
ists in the preceding December, word was brought to Bethlehem 
that the place had been represented to the American army as a 
nest of Tories and that General Lee had boasted that "in a few 
hours he would make an end of Bethlehem." However, the Moravi 
ans explained their own position in a petition to Congress declar 
ing that since the outbreak of the conflict they had been continu 
ally disturbed for not associating in the use of arms, or acting 
gainst their principles in regard to war. They complained that 
some of them had been imprisoned on account of the test contained 
in the law of April 1st, that all their able-bodied men above the 
military age had been heavily fined, and that they found them- 

18 Statutes at Large of Pa., IX, 110-114. 


selves subject to outlawry and exile without any inquiry into their 
behavior, although they regarded themselves as accountable to the 
magistrates. They insisted that they willingly helped to bear the 
public burdens and that they were ready to furnish reasonable as 
surance that they would not act against Pennsylvania or any other 
State, but that they humbly thought themselves entitled to the 
privileges which had brought them to America, notwithstanding 
the change in the form of government. These privileges they had 
not forfeited by any word or act against the new government, they 
said. At the same time, if the test was to be applied, they must be 
ruined and their creditors wronged, for it was contrary to their 
conscience to take the prescribed oath. They would with the help 
of God act honestly, not fearing the consequences. It may be re 
marked that as the Moravians had suffered under the militia law 
of April 1st, they viewed with dismay the enactment of a supple 
mentary measure by the Assembly on June 13, prescribing a new 
test of allegiance, a measure justified in the eyes of the patriots 
by the renewed prospect of Howe s advance against Philadelphia 
The law of June 13, while it re-enacted most of the provisions of 
that of the preceding 1st of April, required justices of the peace as 
the administering officers of the new oath of abjuration of the King 
and of allegiance to Pennsylvania as an independent State to trans 
mit to the recorders of thier respective counties by October 1 of 
each year the names of those sworn during the preceding twelve 
months. Every person above the age of eighteen years who traveled 
out of the county or city in which he usually resided was to carry a 
certificate of his allegiance, or be liable to arrest on suspicion and 
to examination by the nearest justice, who was to tender the oath, 
which the suspect must take or suffer imprisonment until he would 
consent to subscribe. The law said that this clause was necessary, 
in order to prevent the dissemination of discord by persons travel 
ing from one locality to another, and because "this state is already 
become (and likely to be more so) an asylum for refugees flying 
from the just resentment of their fellow citizens in other states." 
It therefore required all newcomers from other Commonwealths 
to apply at once to the nearest justice for the administering of the 
oath under the same penalty as was provided in the case of those 
going from place to place within the State. 14 It was doubtless on 

i* Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Oct., 1885, 287; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 
341 ; Jan., 1889, 401, 395, 385, 386 ; Laws of Pa., II, 154 ; Statutes at Large of Pa., IX, 110-114. 


account of these laws that 160 recruits set out from the city for 
Staten Island to join the New Jersey Volunteers, a Loyalist corps 
under the command of Brigadier General Cortlandt Skinner, which 
had its headquarters there. The party was intercepted, however, 
near Bawnbrook in the Jerseys, and 60 were taken, including Peter 
Snider and his brother Elias. The leaders, John Mea and James 
Stiff, were executed; and the others appear to have been impris 
oned for longer or shorter periods, Elias being confined for eighteen 
months and Peter for six. The two brothers were released on con 
dition that they would serve in the Continental army. Peter did so 
for three months and then, after hiding out for thirty days, es 
caped within the lines of Howe s army, now in possession of Phila 
delphia. Elias secured a furlough on account of sickness, spent a 
twelvemonth in the woods to avoid recapture, and finally pushed 
on to Staten Island. 15 

On Sunday, August 24, 1777, Washington at the head of the 
main body of the Continental army marched through Philadelphia 
on his way to Wilmington, Del., to meet the British. If, as has 
been asserted, it was the desire of the commander in chief to im 
press the Tories, Quakers, and other disaffected persons, he 
seems to have succeeded at least in part, for according to Allen s 
Diary, many of the townspeople now voluntarily swore allegiance 
to the new government. Nevertheless, according to Sub-lieutenant 
John Lacey, who later became a brigadier general in the American 
service, a formidable number of Tories still existed in the City and 
County of Philadelphia, as well as in his own County of Bucks. 
Lacey maintains that a radical change took place in the political 
sentiments of his neighbors and acquaintances of Bucks after the 
affair at Trenton, that thereafter they began to manifest "a sullen, 
vindictive and malignant spirit" which led them to utter threats 
and menaces when in congenial company, to give secret information 
to the British, and to attempt dissuading the Whigs from enlisting 
in the American army and militia. He finds it difficult to decide 
which party was the more numerous in his county; and although 
he had been a Quaker himself, he charges that a great part of the 
disaffected made a plea of conscience in refusing to bear arms, 
thus affording a local preponderance in favor of the Revolution. 
Otherwise they did everything they could do, he insists, by encour- 

16 2d Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont. (1904), Pt. I, 270. 


aging the youth to join the British and by actually sending many 
of them into the ranks of the enemy. 16 

On August 25th, the day of the landing of the British at the 
head of Chesapeake Bay on their way to Philadelphia, Congress 
adopted two resolutions obviously intended as precautionary 
measures. One of these requested the executive authorities of 
Pennsylvania and Maryland to cause all notoriously disaffected 
persons within their respective States to be forthwith ap 
prehended, disarmed, and secured, until they might be 
released without injury to the common cause. The other 
recommended to the Supreme Executive Council of Pennsyl 
vania to have the houses of all inhabitants of Philadelphia 
searched for firearms, swords, and bayonets which, if found, should 
be paid for at an appraised value and turned over to any of the 
State militia needing them. Three days after the adoption of these 
resolutions, Congress, finding symptoms of disaffection among 
the Quakers of Philadelphia and fearing communication with 
the enemy and other injurious acts by the disaffected ones, 
earnestly recommended to the Supreme Executive Council 
to secure Joshua Fisher and his two sons, Thomas and 
Samuel, Abel and John James, Israel and James Pember- 
ton, Henry Drinker, Samuel Pleasants, and Thomas Wharton, 
Sr. The Council at once responded to these measures by directing 
the commanding officer of each regiment of the city militia to ap 
point searching parties for the various wards, and by asking the 
assistance of David Rittenhouse, the treasurer of state, and three 
military officers in preparing a list of persons dangerous to the 
Commonwealth, with a view to their arrest and the seizure of any 
papers of a political nature in their possession, including the records 
of the Meeting of Sufferings of the Society of Friends, for trans 
mission to Congress. The list, which was drawn up on August 31, 
contained the names of thirty-one individuals, besides those sup 
plied by Congress. James Allen, who knew many of the desig 
nated persons intimately, characterized them as "principal Inhabi 
tants of Philadelphia, chiefly Quakers"; and Robert Proud, the 
Tory school-master, who also enjoyed the friendship or acquaint 
ance of many of the proscribed, said that they were "mostly 
Friends," several of whom were "Persons of the first Rank, For- 

" Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 343 ; Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Oct., 1885, 
286; Apr., 1902, 101, 104. 


tune and Esteem, both in the City and in the Society." As he was 
writing to his brother, he added that he had had great reason to 
fear for his own safety, "having not only been obnoxious to the 
Incendiaries and Usurpers, but also particularly pointed out and 
threatened by them, more than many others," but that he had es 
caped molestation by living "in a very private and retired Way, 
even like a Person dead amidst the Confusions," and communing 
more with his books than with persons. Among those named 
in the list were the Reverend William Smith, D.D., provost of 
the college ; the Reverend Thomas Coombs, rector of Christ Church ; 
Samuel Shoemaker; William Drewitt Smith, druggist; Miers Fish 
er and John Hunt, lawyers; Joseph Fox, late barrack-master; 
Thomas Ashton, merchant, and Thomas Pike, dancing master. 17 

The committee, which had prepared this list, also named the 
persons who were to make the arrests. These persons were in 
structed to apprehend some of the proscribed at once, but to spare 
the others the mortification of arrest, if they would promise to re 
main in their homes subject to the order of the Council and would 
do nothing injurious to the United States. A fourth of the number 
gave the required promise and were released on parole; one had 
already taken the oath of allegiance, and another did so; the rest 
were imprisoned in the Masonic Lodge, as the jails were full, ex 
cept two or three who could not be found. For some unknown rea 
son, no returns were made in the cases of Joshua Fisher and Pro 
vost William Smith. Before any of the prisoners were sent into ex 
ile in Virginia, one of their number was released on bail, another 
was ordered to Connecticut, and a third gave his parole to return 
to New York. On September llth, twenty-two finally set out under 
escort of the City Guard on their way to Winchester, where most 
of them remained until April 19, 1778, when they were released to 
return to their homes. However, two had died during the previous 
month, namely, Thomas Gilpin and John Hunt, and two others had 
made their escape. One of these was Thomas Pike, the dancing 
master, who was never heard of again, and the other was William 
Drewitt Smith, who "rode out to take the air," as his associates 
supposed, on December 8, 1777, but did not return, preferring to 
seek protection within the British lines at Philadelphia. Two 
others, namely, the Reverend Thomas Coombs and Phineas Bond, 

17 Colon. Records of Pa., XI, 264, 267, 279, 283, 284, 286-290, 295, 300, 309 ; Gilpin, Exiles 
in Va.; Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Jan., 1910, 63. 


had been earlier set free in order to embark at a Virginia port for 
the West Indies, the former being bound for the island of St. 
Eustatius. 18 

Although the proprietary government had been in abeyance 
ever since Franklin and the Provincial Convention had assumed 
control of affairs in the summer of 1776, the officials under the for 
mer dispensation had not been taken into custody; but on July 31, 
1777, Congress passed a resolution that it was expedient that the 
late proprietary and Crown office-holders and all other disaffected 
persons in and near Philadelphia be arrested. This resolution, like 
the recent recommendations emanating from the same source for 
the seizure of Loyalists, was comprehensive in its scope. Neverthe 
less, the Supreme Executive Council set to work issuing warrants 
for the apprehension of Governor John Penn, Benjamin Chew, who 
had been a member of Penn s Council and chief justice; James 
Tilghman, also a member of the Provincial Council; Jared Inger- 
soll, judge of admiralty; Dr. George Drummond, custom-house 
officer, and other lesser officials. Penn and Chew were paroled to 
remain within six miles of their residences ; Ingersoll was ordered 
sent to Winchester, Va., on parole ; Tilghman was not to cross the 
Delaware or depart six miles from it, and the others were con 
fined to their own houses or put in prison. But the Supreme Execu 
tive Council was anxious to be relieved of its responsibility for the 
safe-keeping of Chief Justice Chew and Governor Penn, and there 
fore requested Congress to remove the distinguished prisoners 
from the State. That body complied promptly, and a military escort 
conducted the deposed officials to Fredericksburg, Va. By October 
1st, however, according to James Allen, they were transferred to 
Union Iron Works in New Jersey ; and there Mr. Allen visited them 
early in February, 1778, receiving on the day after his arrival the 
news of the death at Philadelphia of his brother John, which had 
occurred on the second of the month. 19 

18 Gilpin, Exiles in Va.; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 344, 345, 346. 

1 9 Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Oct., 1885, 288, 292 ; Jan. 1886, 443 ; Scharf and Westcott, 
Hist, of Phila., I, 343, 345. 


AUGUST 25, 1777, TO JUNE 18, 1778 

Andrew and William, brothers of James Allen, were with 
Howe and his army of 17,000 men when they disembarked, August 
25 and 26, 1777, at the head of the Elk River. So also was Joseph 
Galloway, who had come as adviser to the British commander in 
chief. The region in which the disembarkation was effected was 
full of Loyalists, and from the first Howe was supplied with ample 
intelligence. The presence of these troublesome foes did not escape 
the attention of Washington, for on August 27th, he mentioned 
them in a letter addressed from Wilmington to the president of 
Congress. Among the troops that accompanied Howe were two 
Tory organizations, the Queen s Rangers and a detachment of the 
Royal Guides and Pioneers, both of which, especially the former, 
were to receive many recruits from among the local inhabitants 
and refugees during the expedition. Indeed, Tories began to come 
in from the time of the landing, including Dr. John Watson of 
New Castle, Del., and Hugh McNeal from near Bedford, Pa. The 
latter has left an affidavit that he made his appearance after be 
ing imprisoned for aiding young men in their flight to the army. 
The British commander encouraged this movement by issuing a 
proclamation, August 31st, offering protection to such inhabitants 
as would present themselves and swear allegiance to the Crown 
within the next sixty days. Refugees continued to come in, although 
we have no means of knowing in what numbers. From a few indi 
vidual testimonies we learn that among those who joined the royal 
force on its march northward were men from Chester County and 
from Philadelphia. Thus, Captain Alexander McDonald, a Phila- 
delphian, came in with several Loyalists at Wilmington, and en 
tered immediately according to his own statement on the task 
of raising recruits. Curtis Lewis of Chester County joined at Ken- 
nett Square, and probably then or soon after Gideon Vernon also 



of Chester County, and Philip Marchington, a merchant of Phila 
delphia. 1 

In the middle of September, the Supreme Executive Council 
received information that the public stores at York, Lancaster, 
Carlisle, and elsewhere had been destroyed, that men were to be 
levied in support of the royal cause, and that James Rankin of 
Manchester, William Willis of Newberry, John Ferree and Daniel 
Shelly of Lancaster County, and others were concerned in these 
hostile enterprises. Already Shelly was in custody; and as he of 
fered to tell what he knew against his accomplices he was prom 
ised pardon, provided he would divulge enough to convict them. 
Nine others, who were being held on charges of disaffection, main 
tained their innocence, and were granted their release on the con 
dition of appearing, if wanted, and abstaining from anything likely 
to injure the American cause. 2 

Congress and the Assembly stayed in Philadelphia until Sep 
tember 18th, when both bodies adjourned to meet in Lancaster. 
The Supreme Executive Council did not leave until the 23d of the 
same month. For several weeks, according to Robert Proud, the 
revolutionary party had been busy stripping the city of its church 
bells, supply of lead, and much else that might be useful to the en 
emy or to the Continental forces. About 4,000 head of cattle were 
collected from the meadows and from Hog Island by the commit 
tee entrusted with that duty and driven away, after which the 
meadow banks were cut and the pastures inundated. Blankets, 
clothing, and shoes were exacted from the citizens in spite of Tory 
protests; magazines and supplies were removed, and the money 
and papers of the loan office and the records of the State were car 
ried to Easton. 3 

Meantime, the patriots and their families had followed the 
Council and the legislative bodies into retirement, leaving the 
Quakers and Loyalists behind. But not all of the patriots or Whigs 
had departed, as we learn from several sources. On September 
25th, one day before Lord Cornwallis entered Philadelphia at the 
head of 1,500 British and Hessian Grenadiers, Mrs. Henry Drinker 

1 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 347; 2d Rep., Bur. of Archives, Out. (1904). 
Pt. I, 253, 295, 494, 611; Pt. II, 900, 1162; Washington Papers, I, 178; Am. Mss. in the Roy. 
Inst. of Gt. Brit., I, 132. 

* Colon. Records of Pa., XI, 307, 308. 

8 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila^ I, 348, 349, 350 ; Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., 
Jan., 1910, 72. 


wrote in her Journal : "Most of our warm people have gone off" ; 
and Christopher Marshall tells us on what he considered reliable 
authority that on the same day four or five hundred Tories pa 
raded out to Germantown (where the main army under General 
Howe first encamped) and, returning, triumphed through the 
streets all night," sending to prison such persons as they regarded 
to be friends of the rebellious States, including "the parson, Jacob 
Duche." The number imprisoned amounted to "some hundreds," 
Mrs. Drinker records ; although there were other Whigs remaining 
in the city who were not molested, probably through the friendship 
of Galloway and the Aliens. These refugees from Philadelphia, 
together with other citizens of the town, arrived with Cornwallis 
"to the great relief of the inhabitants" who, Robert Morton s Diary 
avers, had "too long suffered the yoke of arbitrary power," and 
who testified their approbation of the coming of the troops "by 
loudest acclamations of joy." Whatever the joy of some may have 
been, there were numerous others whose feelings impelled them 
to withdraw from the city even after its occupation. On October 
1, James Allen observed that some of the inhabitants of Philadel 
phia were coming up to settle at Allentown and that the road from 
Easton to Reading was then "the most travelled in America." 4 

That Howe profited by the assistance of local Tories in the 
course of his advance from the head of the Elk to Germantown 
can scarcely be doubted. Thus, in the early hours of September 21, 
when he was ready to cross the Schuylkill while General Anthony 
Wayne with 1,500 men and four guns was bivouacking in his rear, 
with a view to detaining him until help should arrive, it was the 
intelligence brought in by Loyalists that enabled the British com 
mander in chief to surprise and cut off Wayne s men and so cross 
over without interruption. With the encamping of the invading 
host at Germantown and Philadelphia a few days later, both places 
became centers of attraction for adherents of the Crown from the 
surrounding region, and also from remoter parts of the country. 
On September 28th Howe issued a proclamation from his head 
quarters at Germantown, promising protection and security to all 
coming in and conducting themselves in accordance with his proc 
lamation of a month earlier. Then, on October 8th, he announced 

* Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Oct., 1889, 298 ; Oct., 1885, 293, 294 ; Duane, ed., Extracts 
from the Diary of Christopher Marshall, 132 ; Sargent, ed., Loyal Verses of Joseph Stansbury 
and Dr. Jonathan Odell, 140 ; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 360. 


free pardon to all deserters who would voluntarily surrender before 
December 1st; and at the same time he published another proclama 
tion in which he predicted the early suppression of the unnatural 
rebellion, and offered the inhabitants an opportunity to "cooperate 
in relieving themselves from the miseries attendant on tyranny and 
anarchy, and in restoring peace and good order with just and law 
ful authority." A bounty of fifty acres of vacant land for each 
private and of two hundred acres for each non-commissioned of 
ficer was promised to those who would enlist in the Provincial 
corps for two years or during the war. The Queen s Rangers were 
with the main army at Germantown, occupying the extreme right 
of the encampment, and probably the Royal Guides and Pioneers 
were near by; but on October 12th and 14th, respectively, Howe 
had the satisfaction of approving lists of officers for two additional 
Tory regiments, namely, the first battalion of the Pennsylvania 
Loyalists and the Roman Catholic Volunteers. Alfred Clifton was 
the commanding officer of the latter and William Allen of the for 
mer. Meantime, Tories were arriving at Germantown, including 
John Parrock and Alexander Kidd from Philadelphia, James Oram 
from the country near by, and Walter Willet from Bucks County. 
On October 19th Howe and his command transferred their camp 
to the Quaker City, and five days thereafter he designated the 
staff for the first battalion of the Maryland Loyalists at the instance 
of James Chalmers, its lieutenant colonel, who had previously been 
a resident of Philadelphia. On November 7th he did the same for 
the Philadelphia Light Dragoons, which was to consist of two 
companies with Richard Hovenden and Jacob James as captains. 
By November 26th, the Pennsylvania Loyalists numbered 145 men 
and the Maryland Loyalists 133. The first muster of the Roman 
Catholic Volunteers was taken on December 14th, and showed 62 
men, but this number was nearly trebled during the next ten days 
(i.e., it reached 176 men on December 24th) . Hovenden raised his 
troop of Dragoons in Philadelphia during November and Decem 
ber ; while James recruited his troop in Chester County in the fol 
lowing January, the maximum number of the combined troops 
amounting to 109 men. The Bucks County Light Dragoons were 
recruited by Captain Thomas Sandford in Bucks County in the fall 
of 1777, and were commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Watson 
through the following winter and spring, while Sandford was a 
prisoner with the Americans. Its maximum enrollment was 55 


men. In May, 1778, these three troops were organized into a squad 
ron under Watson s command. During the time that the Bucks 
County corps was forming, Lieutenant Colonel John Van Dyke of 
Somerset County, N. J., was raising the West Jersey Volunteers 
in the southern counties of that Province. In January, 1778, he 
had 186 infantrymen, and during the course of the next four months 
he added 157 cavalrymen. Colonel Lord Rawdon, who had come to 
Philadelphia with the British, was enlisting the Volunteers of Ire 
land in the early part of May, and probably had 300 recruits before 
the city was evacuated. We should not overlook the accessions to 
the New Jersey Volunteers, Queen s Rangers, and the Royal Guides 
and Pioneers during this period of Tory enlistments: at least a 
few men joined the Guides and Pioneers, and about 225, if not 
more, were enrolled in the Rangers, including Captain John Ferdi 
nand Dalziel Smyth and Lieutenant James Murray, with their 61 
recruits. Smyth s commission as "an additional captain of the 
Rangers" was dated September 6, 1777. Many of the men who 
entered the ranks of this corps at the time of which we are speak 
ing were refugees from Virginia and other Southern Colonies. 
It will be recalled that a number of recruits from Philadelphia 
joined the New Jersey Volunteers at Staten Island about the time 
the test was being applied in 1777. It was less than three months 
later, or when Cornwallis and his division entered Philadelphia, 
that the first and second battalions of this corps arrived there. 
Many volunteers at once enrolled themselves in the companies of 
Captains Thomas Golden and Norman McLeod; while two new 
companies were organized during November and December, 1777, 
one by Captain Donald Campbell and the other, which consisted 
of Cumberland men, by Captain Richard Cayford. 

If now we attempt to figure the number of enlistments gained 
by the British from the invaded region, we get a total of between 
1,700 and 1,800 men, a number that would be reduced to about 
1,400, if we exclude the West Jersey Volunteers, who were not re 
cruited in eastern Pennsylvania. Doubtless, this number should 
be still further reduced on account of accessions gained by detach 
ments during raids into New Jersey. These figures do not agree 
with those of Joseph Galloway, who confines his to the enlistments 
secured in Philadelphia. In his testimony before Parliament, Gal 
loway stated that there were within the lines at Philadelphia, when 
Howe occupied the city, 4,481 males capable of bearing arms, of 


whom a fourth were Quakers. His fourth is a generous one, how 
ever, leaving a remainder of 3,000. Of these, he says, Howe got 
only 974 men in all, who were chiefly deserters on account of the 
unpopularity of the Loyalists authorized to recruit. Galloway 
added that during Howe s occupation 2,300 deserters came in from 
the Continental army and were registered and qualified, besides 
700 or 800 more, who never reported. Galloway s characterization 
of the men whom Howe commissioned to raise Provincial com 
panies and battalions was certainly unjust: they were influential, 
but the British commander in chief lacked the power of infusing 
his subordinates with the proper military spirit. General Howe 
achieved great personal popularity among his men, but he achieved 
little else. Galloway was himself the chosen adviser of Howe, and 
as the virtual governor of Philadelphia during the occupation was 
active and serviceable in many ways; and yet he, like his chief, 
brought nothing of consequence to pass, not even good order in 
the city. 5 

After the occupation of Philadelphia, one of Mr. Galloway s 
first duties appears to have been to number all the inhabitants, in 
order to distinguish the loyal from the disaffected. In connection 
with the quartering of troops, he was able to show consideration 
for his old friends, even if he was not disposed to * lessen the dis 
tress of old enemies." He secured horses for the army, procured 
intelligence of the movements of the enemy through the agency of 
about eighty spies, rendered the capture of Mud Island Fort more 
speedy by the erection of some batteries, compiled a chart of all the 
roads in the vicinity of Philadelphia, and was assigned to adminis 
ter the oaths of allegiance to inhabitants under Howe s proclama 
tion. As this last named task was beyond his time and strength, 
Mr. Galloway had Enoch Story commissioned to perform it, and 
then had to ask for a day or two s extension of time beyond the two 
months originally announced, on account of the numbers crowding 
in on Mr. Story late in October. On December 4th, Mr. Galloway 

5 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 349, 350, 352, 354, 360 ; Pa. Mag. of Hist, and 
Biog., Oct., 1885, 291; Oct., 1889, 298; Jan., 1886, 429; Jan., 1910, 1; 2d Rep., Bur. of Ar 
chives, Out. (1904), Pt. I, 669, 684; II, 835, 741; Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., I, 
136, 138, 139, 143, 150 ; Rev. W. O. Raymond s Ms. Notes from the Muster Rolls of Col. Ed 
ward Winslow; Stryker, N. J. (Loyalist) Vols. in the Rev. War (pamphlet), 12; Sabine, 
Loyalists of the Am. Rev., II, 378 ; Siebert, "Refugee Loyalists of Conn." in Trans. Roy. Soc. 
of Can., Ser. Ill, Vol. X (1916), 82, 83; Scott, John Graves Simcoe, 24; Read, Life and Times 
of Governor Simcoe, 27 ; Rep. on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., I, 234 ; III, 170 ; 
IV, 474. 


was appointed superintendent general of the police in the city and 
its environs and superintendent of imports and exports. He thus 
became the civil governor of Philadelphia, being vested with the 
administration of municipal affairs under the direction of General 
Howe. Mr. Story and Andrew Smith served as deputy officials of 
the port and Samuel Shoemaker, John Potts, and Daniel Coxe as 
magistrates of the police. Mr. Coxe was a noted refugee from New 
Jersey and had served in the King s Council of that Colony. Messrs. 
Potts and Shoemaker were well-known Philadelphians and former 
office-holders. Howe also appointed George Roberts, James Reyn 
olds, James Sparks, and Joseph Stansbury for the city, together 
with John Hart for Southwark, and Francis Jeyes for the North 
ern Liberties, to be commissioners for selecting and supervising 
the night-watch, which numbered one hundred men in the city and 
ten each in the Northern Liberties and Southwark. Mr. Stans 
bury was a writer of Tory songs and verses and was later named 
as manager of a lottery for the relief of the poor. The preservation 
of peace and order was a difficult task, which subjected Mr. Gal 
loway and the magistrates of the police to "extraordinary trouble 
and attention to business." These officials were therefore granted 
25 sterling every quarter, in addition to their respective salaries. 
As Howe summarized the amounts paid to Mr. Galloway, they com 
prised an initial salary of 200 a year, 300 a year more as police 
magistrate, with 6s per diem for his clerk, and 20s per diem as su 
perintendent of the port, or a total of 770 a year. Other local 
Loyalists rendered various other services. Thus, for example, 
George Harding of Philadelphia was employed in disarming those 
who were disaffected to the Crown and in finding proper locations 
for the troops. He was also authorized, along with twenty other 
men, to apprehend spies in the Continental service. Abraham 
Carlisle, another resident, was given oversight of the entrances 
to the city, with the power to issue passports. John Parrock, also 
of Philadelphia, supplied lumber from his wharves for the army 
quarters and for the navy. William Caldwell of Union Township 
was one of Galloway s secret service men, as well as a guide for 
several detachments of the troops. Joseph Murell rendered similar 
services. Gideon Vernon of Chester County carried dispatches for 


General Howe and made observations among the enemy s forces, 
and Henry Hugh Ferguson was commissary of prisoners. 6 

It fell to Mr. Galloway, among his numerous duties, to regulate 
the markets, including the terms of buying and selling. Permits 
were required for dealers selling more than a bushel of salt or a 
hogshead of molasses to individual buyers, and this was also true 
in the case of those handling drugs in quantity. The purchaser of 
rum and spirits must buy from the importer only, but not more 
than a hogshead nor less than ten gallons at a time. Tavern licenses 
were also issued by Galloway, who granted permits to many refu 
gee Loyalists to reopen deserted inns. As a swarm of strangers and 
fugitive Philadelphians arrived with the new regime, not a few 
seized the earliest opportunity of opening places for trade, includ 
ing many shops and stores formerly kept by Whigs who were now 
absent. Christopher Marshall at Lancaster heard that there were 
about 120 new stores in Philadelphia, one kept by an Englishmen, 
another by an Irishman, "the remainder being 118 Scotchmen or 
Tories from Virginia." Joseph Stansbury became a dealer in china, 
William Drewitt Smith reopened his drug store after his return 
from Winchester, "James McDowell took Gilbert Barclay s store 
on Second Street, Bird s London Store supplanted Mrs. Devine s, 
George Leyburn ensconced himself in Francis Tilghman s store, 
William Robb sold merchandise where William Redwood had served 
his customers, Ninian Mangies took Thomas Gilpin s place, John 
Brander, Isaac Cox s, [and] Thomas Blane succeeded to Mease and 
Caldwell." These and other tradesmen of the city preferred solid 
coin in place of paper money under the new regulations, and so fur 
nished Joseph Stansbury with a topic for one of his rhymed sat 
ires, in which he represented that the shop-keepers rejected the 
notes because they were issued against lands and mortgages held 
by the rebels, but that nevertheless many of the friends of govern 
ment in town 

"Sold each half -joe for twelve pounds Congress trash, 

Which purchased six pounds of this legal cash; 

Whereby they have, if you will bar the bubble, 

Instead of losing, made their money double." 

8 Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Dec., 1902, 435, 436 ; Jan., 1886, 438 ; Scharf and West- 
cott, Hist, of PhUa., I, 360; 2d Rep., Bur. of Archives, Out. (1904), Pt. I, 109, 112, 129, 160. 
165, 222, 260, 269, 296, 498, 517, 564, 669, 684 ; II, 741, 827, 835 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., 
I, 296, 339, 421 ; II, 112, 199, 301, 325 ; Rep. on Am. Mas. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., I, 146, 

160, 201, 218, 277, 364. 


Among these friends of government were several publishers of 
Tory newspapers. Until Howe s arrival in Philadelphia, Benja 
min Towne s Pennsylvania Evening Post had been Whig in poli 
tics. Then, it abruptly became Tory, only to change back again 
with the return of the Americans. James Humphreys revived the 
Pennsylvania Ledger during the British and Loyalist supremacy, 
using the royal arms for the heading of his paper; and the Penn 
sylvania Gazette also sought the patronage of the military and ref 
ugee populace during the same period. These last two publications 
suspended about May 23, 1778. 7 

The Tories in Philadelphia were panic-stricken by the battle 
of Germantown, which was fought October 5, 1777; and some of 
them moved out of the city, though probably not for long. As the 
wounded were brought into Philadelphia for care in numerous im 
provised hospitals, the resident Quakers could not avoid seeing 
more or less of the cruelties of actual warfare ; and two days after 
the battle they sent a deputation to Howe and thence to Washing 
ton with testimonies on the ungodliness of war. In their communi 
cation to the latter, they made use of the opportunity to assert the 
innocence of themselves and of their Society of imputations cast 
upon them ; to explain that the aim of their body was to seek only 
for peace and righteousness in the world, with equal love to all 
men, and to intimate their desire for Washington s aid in behalf 
of their brethren still in exile at Winchester, Va. The raising of 
this last question inclined the American commander in chief to 
send his callers to Lancaster to lay their request respecting the ex 
iles before the Supreme Executive Council and Congress; but as 
they timidly withdrew their suggestion, he relieved their minds by 
inviting them to dinner and ordering them, as one of his officers 
expressed it, "only to do pennance a few days at Pott s-grove." 

From the time the British first entered Philadelphia, Septem 
ber 26, 1777, until they left it, June 17, 1778, or during a period of 
eight and a half months, fugitives were coming in singly and in 
groups, as opportunity offered, from the neighboring country, in 
cluding all the counties of eastern Pennsylvania from Northamp 
ton and Bucks on the north to Lancaster and York on the west of 
the metropolis. They came in also in considerable numbers from 

7 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 359, 366, 367, 383 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. 
Rev., II, 360; I, 654, 556. 

8 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 359. 


Virginia, Maryland, and especially from New Jersey. James Allen, 
who sent his family into the city in January, 1778, and followed 
with his sister, Mrs. John Penn, on February 13, noted in his 
Diary after his arrival that the town was filled with refugees from 
the country, and that the Tories of many localities in Bucks County 
and in New Jersey had risen against severe persecution and 
brought in their oppressors as prisoners. In neighborhoods where 
the number of Loyalists was too small to accomplish such feats of 
valor, the approach of a detachment of British troops or of a res 
cue party from the seat of the army had to be awaited. An appeal 
for succor from a group of Jerseymen was responded to by twenty 
West Jersey refugees, who crossed to the east side of the Delaware 
from Philadelphia, had a skirmish with a band of watchful Ameri 
cans at the mouth of Mantua Creek, and returned with their res 
cued friends, February 3d. At the end of this month, it was re 
ported in the Pennsylvania Evening Post that large numbers of 
Jerseymen had joined a detachment of the army since its arrival in 
their vicinity. The Pennsylvania Ledger of March 18th declared 
that there was not a day on which "great numbers" of Loyalists 
were not flocking to the city, being "driven by the most obdurate 
and merciless tyranny from all that is dear and valuable in life." An 
item of May llth in Allen s Diary stated that the "persecutions in 
the country were very great, that those who refused to subscribe 
to the test in the various Provinces were treated as enemies and 
suffered confiscation of their estates, and that Philadelphia was 
swarming with refugees." 9 

While, as we have already seen, a few of these unfortunate 
people had sufficient resources still at command to enable them to 
engage in business, and others received official positions in the city 
to which salaries were attached, the great majority of the refugees 
must have been under the necessity of depending on the army or the 
city authorities for their housing and support. It will be shown 
farther on that those Loyalists who were embodied in regiments 
were employed in patrolling the country roads so as to enable 
farmers and gardeners to reach the city market with their produce, 
and that they also secured quantities of booty through foraging 
and plundering expeditions; but in view of the pressing needs of 
the raiders themselves and of the regular troops, it may be doubted 

9 Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Jan., 1886, 431, 436 ; N. J. Archives, 2d Ser., II, 35, 65, 
81, 126, 127. 


whether or not any of these extra supplies ever reached those ref 
ugees who were too impoverished to supply their own wants 
through the ordinary channels of trade. According to the census 
that Howe had taken shortly after his entry into Philadelphia, the 
population amounted to a little more than 23,700, of which the fe 
males numbered 13,403, not to mention the children, of whom 
there were certainly many, although we get no figures concerning 
them. We can thus see that the proportion of dependents was 
extremely large, and we know that it was being constantly in 
creased by the arrival of distressed Loyalists. It is easy to under 
stand, therefore, why in the winter of 1777-78, Howe sanctioned 
the collection of contributions for the support of the almshouse, 
thirty-two collectors being appointed for the purpose; why as 
spring approached the commander in chief exhorted the Loyalists 
in one of his proclamations "to exert themselves in raising vege 
tables" and other things for the use of the soldiers and inhabitants, 
and why in April he authorized a lottery, which was placed under 
the management of Stephen Shewell, James Craig, Reynold Keene, 
Joseph Stansbury, and twelve others. This lottery produced 
1,012 10s for the benefit of the poor in the city. 10 But the best 
efforts of the Loyalists to supply garden and farm produce for 
the army and the multitude of refugees within the lines 
were quite inadequate to relieve a situation which James 
Allen, writing on June 8, vividly described in the following words : 
"For 7 months Gen Washington with an army not exceeding 7 or 
8000 men has lain at Valley Forge 20 miles from here, unmolested ; 
while Sr W. Howe with more than double his number & the best 
troops in the world, has been shut up in Philada, where the markets 
are extravagantly high, & parties of the enemy all round the 
city within a mile or two robbing the market people. Consequently 
the distress of the citizens and particularly the Refugees has been 
very great." 

During the winter and spring of 1777 and 1778, the Phila 
delphia Light Dragoons had been cooperating with the Queen s 
Rangers in securing the country and facilitating the inhabitants in 
bringing their produce into Philadelphia. The Rangers, with Re 
doubt No. 1 at Kensington as their headquarters, patrolled the 
roads above, particularly the Frankford road, to enable the Bucks 
County farmers to drive into town with the products of their farms 

10 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 367, 373. 


and dairies. The market people, however, were prevented by the 
Americans from coming down below Frankford, and their light 
horse made frequent sallies on the Rangers quarters at Kensing 
ton. In December or January the withdrawal by Brigadier Gen 
eral Lacey of some of his Pennsylvania militia from the posts they 
had been occupying in the Delaware-Schuylkill peninsula enabled 
the patrolling Tory regiments to forage and ravage at will. On 
February 14th, Hovenden s troop of Philadelphia Light Dragoons 
went up the Bristol road, and Captain Evan Thomas with his Bucks 
County Volunteers took the Bustleton road. On their return they 
brought back most of the officials of Bucks County. During the 
same month they made other forays into the County of Bucks, as the 
result of which they captured a number of Continental soldiers, a 
quantity of cloth greatly needed by Washington s army at Valley 
Forge, and a drove of 130 cattle. About a month later the Queen s 
Rangers, the New Jersey Volunteers, and other troops to the num 
ber of about 1,500 men engaged in foraging expeditions into New 
Jersey and Cumberland County, Pa. When, at length, the Pennsyl 
vania militia under Brigadier General Lacey was strengthened, the 
farmers of Bucks County found it more difficult to reach the Phila 
delphia market. Many of them were captured, and some were con 
demned by court-martial to be hanged. Later, those caught con 
veying produce to the British were deprived of their teams and 
laden wagons, and were in many cases subjected to a flogging. 
Lacey s operations were now so successful in cutting off supplies 
from the city that on May 1, 1778, the Queen s Rangers, the Phila 
delphia Light Dragoons, and other regiments were dispatched to 
destroy the energetic officer and his command. Taken by surprise, 
twenty-six of the Americans were killed, and some of the prisoners 
and wounded were put to death in brutal ways by their Tory cap 
tors. 11 

The civil authorities, as well as the military, sought to sup 
press the intercourse between Philadelphia and the outside world 
during the period of the British occupation of the city. On October 
12, 1777, a new "supplement" to the test act of four months earlier 
was passed, because the latter had not been found satisfactory in 
actual experience. The supplement was framed to stop the passing 
from county to county of male white non- jurors and Loyalists, and 

a Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Jan., 1886, 438; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 
360, 361, 365, 373, 374, 375. 


especially of those coming out of Philadelphia, which was now in 
the possession of the British. The age limit of those who were 
ordered to subscribe to the oath or affirmation was now reduced 
from eighteen to sixteen years, and justices of the peace were em 
powered not only to exact the oath, but also to require such further 
security as they might think necessary in individual cases. Im 
prisonment without bail was the alternative, the end of the sen 
tence depending on the willingness of the suspect to subscribe and 
furnish the extra security. The final section of the law made it pos 
sible for one or more sworn accusers to have persons who avoided 
traveling about brought before a justice on suspicion of unfriendli 
ness to the independence of the United States, in order that the 
test might be applied to him. This measure was to go into opera 
tion three days after its enactment. The new Council of Safety 
(October 21 to December 6, 1777) and after it the Supreme Execu 
tive Council in their sessions at Lancaster tried and sentenced many 
offenders on the charge of supplying the royal troops with provi 
sions, or of prosecuting an illicit trade with them. The usual pen 
alty inflicted was one month s imprisonment at hard labor, although 
in certain instances the term of incarceration was lengthened to 
that of the war, and occasionally fifty or one hundred lashes were 
added for some special reason, such as the passing of counterfeit 
Continental currency by the culprit. As some of those carrying 
on the forbidden trade lived on the east side of the Delaware River, 
the civil authorities of New Jersey also employed repressive meas 
ures. The General Assembly of that State passed a bill which was 
intended to prevent all communication between the parties con 
cerned; but since the act was not well enforced, the magistrates of 
Burlington County, N. J., announced their determination on Febru 
ary 16, 1778, to execute it in the most rigorous manner. On the 
same date, the governor of New Jersey, William Livingston, recom 
mended the enactment of a bill authorizing the militia, or any 
other persons, to seize all effects suspected of being carried to or 
from the enemy, the seized goods to be appropriated to those tak 
ing them, in case the persons thus dispossessed should be found 
guilty by legal process. 12 

These efforts to terminate the intercourse between Philadel 
phia and the outside world served in considerable measure to in 
crease the distress already existing among the refugees 

13 Laws of Pa., II, 159 ; N. J. Archives, 2d. Ser., II, 56, 57, 87. 


and inhabitants of the city, already greatly aggravated, it 
may be added, by the exorbitant prices of provisions and merchan 
dise prevailing there. Notwithstanding these unfortunate condi 
tions, however, there was no dearth of festivities among the men 
of the camps and the social set in the metropolis during the Tory 
supremacy. When off duty the soldiers gave themselves up to 
amusements. The officers formed themselves into dining clubs, 
among which was the "Loyal Association Club"; they also held 
cricket matches, and patronized a cock-pit where mains were 
fought for a hundred guineas. Weekly balls from the end of Jan 
uary to that of April afforded ample opportunity for the young 
ladies of the Tory set to establish social relations with the mili 
tary gentlemen in town. The old South Street Theatre witnessed 
a series of plays, in some of which the officers took part. Howe 
paid the price of all this unwarranted gaiety, as well as of his 
supineness in martial affairs, by being supplanted in his 
command. On May 7, Sir Henry Clinton landed at Billingsport, 
and the next day he arrived in Philadelphia. Before Howe 
embarked for England, he was complimented by a regatta 
on the Delaware and a pageant of knights, squires, and 
ladies on the beautiful grounds of the Wharton mansion 
at Walnut Grove. This combined celebration, which was 
planned and chiefly managed by Major John Andre, and was widely 
heralded as the Meschianza, occurred, May 18th, and was par 
ticipated in by many of the Loyalist belles of the city. The day 
ended with a grand ball, which lasted until after sunrise the next 
morning. This concluding event, however, was disturbed by an 
attack on the abatis north of town by Captain McLane and a de 
tachment of Americans. About the same time, Howe learned that 
Lafayette and 2,500 of the enemy had crossed the Schuylkill and 
encamped some distance below Marston s Ford. He, therefore, 
craved the distinction of closing his term of service with the cap 
ture of Lafayette and his force. Although he and Clinton led out 
11,000 men in the effort to attain this object, the French general 
and his men succeeded in recrossing the river, with but a slight 
loss at the ford. Having thus failed to redeem his military reputa 
tion, General Howe relinquished the command of the army to 
Clinton, and sailed for England, May 24, 1778. 13 

13 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 371-382 ; Gentleman s Magazine, Aug., 1778. 


On the same day the new commander in chief held a council 
of war, which decided in favor of evacuating the city ; and this de 
cision seems to have been communicated to a meeting of "gentle 
men, merchants, and citizens" that took place at the British Tav 
ern. The local historian, Westcott, says that notice had been pre 
viously given that all deserters from the American army who 
wished to go to England would be sent, and that "many availed 
themselves of the privilege." Probably, the news of the intended 
evacuation did not come as an entire surprise to the community, 
for Mrs. Drinker recorded in her Journal, under date of May 23d, 
that preparations for the departure were being made by "many 
of the inhabitants." On June 3d three regiments crossed the Dela 
ware and encamped near Cooper s Ferry and Gloucester. Two 
days later Captain Johann Heinrichs of the Hessian Jager Corps, 
who was then at the Neck near the city, wrote to his brother that 
"about one thousand royally inclined families" in Philadelphia 
were "willing to leave hearth and home and with their chattels go 
with the army." A few days later still the British Peace Commis 
sioners arrived in the city; and one of them, Lord Carlisle, wrote 
that he found everything in confusion, "the army upon the point 
of leaving town, and about three thousand of the miserable inhabi 
tants embarked on board our ships, to convey them from a place 
where they thought they would receive no mercy from those who 
will take possession after us." In a letter of June 15th to the 
colonial secretary in London, the Commissioners stated that they 
had found the greater part of those who had put themselves under 
the King s protection either retiring on board ships in the Dela 
ware River, or endeavoring to effect their reconciliation with Con 
gress by hastening to take the oath of allegiance to the Confed 
erated States of America within the allotted time, in order to save 
their property from confiscation and themselves from "the violent 
resentment of an exulting and unrestrained enemy." As the time 
for taking the oath of allegiance had already been extended to June 
1, 1778, it is highly improbable that additional days of grace were 
granted to those seeking to make amends for such obvious rea 
sons. Nevertheless, a good many whose past conduct identified 
them as undesirable citizens in the eyes of the Whigs chose to re 
main, as did also the wives and children of some undoubted Loyal 
ists who left with the troops, or had taken their departure earlier. 
In these closing days of the British occupation, Mrs. Drinker re- 


cords the parting calls of Enoch Story and Richard Wain, and re 
marks that Samuel Shoemaker and many other inhabitants had 
gone on board the vessels. Clinton s intention had been to send 
his troops back to New York by sea, as they had come ; but instead 
he filled the waiting fleet with Tory families and ordered his army 
to take up the line of march across the Jerseys. 14 

The van of the army withdrew from Philadelphia, June 17th, 
the main body following on the next day. With the retiring troops 
marched the Loyalist regiments which had been formed during the 
British occupation of the city, as well as those which had come as 
part of the invading host. Since many of the local refugees at 
tempted to carry with them more or less of their possessions, and 
in some cases the appropriated property of absent Whigs, they im 
peded the movements of the troops; and according to an item in 
the Pennsylvania Evening Post of June 20th, some of the fugitives, 
along with other prisoners, were captured by a pursuing body of 
American light horse. By the time Allentown, N. J., was reached, 
the Queen s Rangers had been joined by many new refugees, who 
supplied the guides needed for the remainder of the march. Near 
Monmouth Court House strong detachments of the American army, 
which had been sent forward by Washington, attacked the British, 
June 28th, killing over 250 officers and men and wounding many 
mpre, including Lieutenant Colonel Simcoe and Captain Stephen- 
son of the Rangers. While Clinton s force was experiencing these 
difficulties, the British fleet was reported in Philadelphia to have 
lost several transports to the enemy, on one of which were five ref 
ugee families with their effects. From Monmouth the Queen s 
Rangers led the way to Sandy Hook, where on July 5th the em 
barkation of the troops for the brief passage to New York began. 
They left behind them in New Jersey at least two Tory battalions, 
namely, the Volunteers of Ireland and the West Jersey Regiment. 
At the close of August, 1778, the former corps was stationed at 
Six Mile Hill, a few miles to the southeast of New Brunswick, while 
the latter was then at Sandy Hook. Towards the end of the follow 
ing February the Volunteers of Ireland were at New York, with a 
strength of 509 men. At least two companies of the West Jersey 

14 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 383, 384 ; Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog^ Oct., 
1889, 307; XXII (1898), 145. 


Regiment, if not the entire corps, had by this time been incor 
porated with the New Jersey Volunteers on Staten Island. 15 

After Clinton s army landed at New York City the various 
Loyalist regiments, which had accompanied it, were distributed 
among the British posts of the neighborhood. Thus, by July 15, 
1778, the Queen s Rangers were encamped at King s Bridge, where 
they were soon joined by the Philadelphia Light Dragoons and the 
Bucks County Light Dragoons, the three together numbering 448 
men at the end of August. The Pennsylvania Loyalists had been 
sent at the same time to New Utrecht, L. I., near Brooklyn ; while 
the Roman Catholic Volunteers and the Maryland Loyalists had 
been assigned to Flushing Fly, a few miles to the northeast. Of the 
three corps last named the August muster showed that the first 
had 188 men, the second 331, and the third 171. At the close of 
February, 1779, the Volunteers of Ireland, with a strength of 509 
men, were at New York, and the Royal Guides and Pioneers, num 
bering 173 men, were also there and thereabouts. 16 

During the British occupation of Philadelphia the town suf 
fered from spoliation and destruction of property to such an ex 
tent that, when the Americans returned to it, they found it in a 
wretched condition. Nor was this havoc confined to the estates 
of the absent Whigs. Robert Morton, the Loyalist, says in his 
Diary that the British set fire to "the Fairhill mansion house, Jona 
than Mifflin s, and many others, amounting to eleven, besides out 
houses, barns, etc.," on November 22d. All these were the build 
ings of Loyalists, and were only part of the structures similarly 
dealt with in the same neighborhood, where eighteen other homes 
were deliberately burned, the reason assigned according to Mor 
ton being that the Americans had been shooting at the British 
pickets from these houses. Mrs. Deborah Logan, who witnessed 
this incendiarism, "counted seventeen fires" from the roof of her 
mother s house on Chestnut Street. Pierre Du Simitiere, a resi 
dent of Philadelphia during this period, wrote that it would be in 
vain to attempt to give an account of the devastation committed 
by those in possession indiscriminately on Whig and Tory prop- 

15 Siebert, The Fliyht of the Am. Loyalists to the Brit. Isles (pamphlet), 8, 9, and the 
references there given ; Scott, John Graves Simcoe, 22 ; Reed, The Life and Times of Simcoe, 
29; N. J. Archives, 2d Ser., II, 263, 264, 267, 269, 272-276, 285-291, 296; Simcoe s Journal, 62 
passim; Ms. Muster Rolls of Col. Edward Winslow (in possession of the N. B. Hist. Soc., St. 
John, N. B.) 

16 Rev. W. O. Raymond s Ms. Notes from Col. Edward Winslow s Muster Rolls. 


erty in the environs of the city. He added that "the persecution 
that numbers of worthy citizens underwent from the malice of the 
Tories; the tyranny of the police on all those they supposed to be 
the friends of the liberties of America; all these would fill a vol 
ume." Entries in Christopher Marshall s Remembrancer from June 
23d to June 26th, inclusive, confirm these earlier testimonies : they 
speak of the houses ruined and destroyed within a mile or two of 
the city and of "the desolation with the dirt, filth, stench, and flies 
in and about the town" as scarcely credible. Marshall writes that 
he was struck with wonder and amazement at the "scenes of malice 
and wanton cruelty," but that his late dwelling-house was not so 
bad as many others, although it was "quite gone," its roof, doors, 
windows, etc., being "either destroyed or carried away entirely." 
It was not until 1782 that an appraisement was made of all these 
damages, in accordance with an act of the General Assembly. It 
then appeared that the loss sustained by the inhabitants of Phila 
delphia amounted to 187,280 5s. According to this appraisement, 
forty-six persons suffered damages exceeding one thousand pounds, 
the losses of eight of these ranging from 3,000 up to 5,622. As 
Germantown had suffered during the early days of the occupation, 
having been the headquarters of the main army under Howe and 
the scene of a battle, it was included in the appraisment. Its claims 
numbered 137, although some of its losses were not included in 
this list. 17 

17 Statutes at Large of Pa., IX, 146-151 ; Laws of Pa., II, 389 ; Scharf and Westcott, 
Hist, of Phila., I, 367, 384, 386. 





It was not until more than a fortnight after the British had 
occupied Philadelphia, and only a few days after Howe had offered 
bounties of land to such Loyalists as would enlist, that a new Coun 
cil of Safety was constituted by an act of the General Assembly, 
October 13, 1777. This new council, which comprised the mem 
bers of the Supreme Executive Council and nine other gentlemen, 
was vested with full power to provide for the preservation of the 
Commonwealth by such ordinances as it deemed necessary, and to 
punish capitally or otherwise all persons guilty of transgressing 
these ordinances or the laws of the State previously enacted. This 
part of the new law was directed against those considered to be 
inimical to the common cause of liberty. Another section authorized 
the seizure of provisions and other necessaries for the American 
army and the inhabitants of the State. The duration of these pow 
ers was limited, however, to the end of the next meeting of the As- 
,sembly. On October 21st the Council of Safety began to operate 
under this measure by ordaining the collection of arms and accou 
trements and shoes and stockings from such inhabitants of Chester 
County as had failed to take the oaths of allegiance and abjuration 
required by a law of February llth in the same year. At the same 
time it passed an ordinance naming commissioners for the City of 
Philadelphia and the eleven counties of the State, who were to seize 
the personal estates and effects of all inhabitants then or in the fu 
ture guilty of abandoning their families or habitations and joining 
the King s army, or resorting to any place in its possession within 
the Commonwealth and supplying the royal troops with provisions, 
intelligence, or other aid. The commissioners were to make an in 
ventory of the property seized, dispose of the perishable part, and 
keep safely the money and goods taken, subject to future disposi 
tion by the Legislature. The Council justified its action by declaring 
that divers persons had renounced their allegiance to the State and, 



wickedly joining themselves to the enemy, had afforded assistance 
thereto in various ways, and it further declared that it was re 
pugnant to the practice of all nations to protect and preserve the 
property of their avowed foes. 1 

An ordinance passed a little later authorized the collection of 
sums from delinquents, of whom there were many in the State, who 
were indebted to the public treasury for advances paid to their 
substitutes in the militia, the collection being enforcible by the 
distress and sale of the goods and chattels of such as refused or 
neglected to pay. This regulation was soon followed by another 
requiring the seizure of arms and accoutrements, blankets, and 
other supplies for the American army from all inhabitants who 
had not yet taken the oaths of allegiance and abjuration. On Decem 
ber 6th the powers granted to the Council of Safety were termi 
nated by proclamation of the Supreme Executive Council, these 
powers having been in force less than two months. 2 

In the early months of the following year the Assembly at 
Lancaster supplemented the confiscatory measures of the Council 
of Safety by legislation which was directed against the college in 
Philadelphia and against persons associating with the enemy. 
Among such persons were several trustees of the college, while the 
name of the Reverend William Smith, D.D., the provost of the in 
stitution, had been included in a list of individuals considered to be 
dangerous to the State, which had been drawn up in the previous 
September. Since, therefore, the college had come to be generally 
regarded as a Tory institution and was, moreover, in the enemy s 
hands, the Assembly passed an act, January 2, 1778, by whch the 
authority of the trustees of the college and academy was suspended 
for a limited time. An act for "the attainder of divers Traitors" 
was also passed (March 6), which provided that if certain persons 
failed to appear by a specified date (April 20th), their estates 
would become vested in the Commonwealth. Those designated were 
Joseph Galloway, Andrew Allen and his brothers John and Wil 
liam, the Reverend Jacob Duche, and Samuel Shoemaker, all of 
Philadelphia; John Potts of Philadelphia County, James Rankin 
of York, Gilbert Hicks of Bucks, Nathaniel Vernon of Chester, 
Christian Foutz of Lancaster, and Reynold Keene and John Biddle 
of Berks. Provision was made for the discovery and seizure of the 

1 Col. Records of Pa., XI, 325, 326, 328, 329. 

2 Ibid., 332, 333, 839, 863. 


estates of these persons, as also for the attainting of other indi 
viduals adhering to the enemy. Indeed, the act declared that all 
subjects and inhabitants of the State who should at any time during 
the war voluntarily serve the King, either by land or sea in an of 
ficial or private capacity, would ipso facto become attainted of high 
treason, and debtors of traitors were ordered to pay their obliga 
tions to the Supreme Executive Council, instead of to the proscribed. 
In accordance with this law, eight different proclamations were 
issued by the Council against persons designated as traitors during 
a period which included the years from 1778 to 1781. The number 
of those thus published were thirteen in the first proclamation 
(March 6th, 1778), fifty-seven in the second (May 8th), seventy- 
five in the third (May 21st), two hundred in the fourth (June 
15th), and sixty-two in the fifth (October 30th), or a total of 407 
during the year 1778. The proclamation of June 22, 1779, named 
thirty; that of October 3, 1780, ten; that of March 20, 1781, fif 
teen; and the last, which was dated April 27, 1781, designated one 
only. Thus, the number of persons announced as traitors in the 
entire series of proclamations for being reported as having joined 
the British was only 453, of which 109 were former inhabitants 
of Philadelphia, seventy-six of Philadelphia County, seventy-seven 
of Bucks, eighty-seven of Chester, nine of York, thirty-five of 
Northampton, four of Bedford, three of Trenton, N. J., and one 
each of the States of Maryland and New York. As this total was 
not more than ten percent of the number of Loyalists who left 
Philadelphia at the evacuation, not to mention the numerous ref 
ugees whom we know to have fled from the State during the pre 
ceding years, it will be seen that the Council of Safety might have 
been far more drastic than it was in applying the penalties of at 
tainder and forfeiture of property to the adherents of the Crown. 3 

Among these attainted men all classes were represented: 
there were numbers of laborers, yeomen, and husbandmen; there 
were many also who had been engaged in shop-keeping and in a va 
riety of trades ; among the merchants we find Enoch and Thomas 
Story, Abel James, John and Charmless Hart, Matthias Aspden, 
Malcolm Ross, David Sproat, Oswald Eve, and Robert White ; John 
Bray and Hugh Lindon were school-masters; among the attorneys 

Colon. Records of Pa., XI, 483-485, 504, 505, 512-518, 587 ; XII, 27, 496, 665, 710 ; Law* 
of Pa., II, 165-176; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 377. 


were Charles Stedman, Jr., Abel Evans, and Christian Hook; at 
least two prominent physicians were proscribed, namely, Anthony 
Yeldall and Andrew DeNormandie; William Drewitt Smith and 
Christian Voght, the latter of the Borough of Lancaster, were 
druggists ; there were a few who were designated as "gentlemen," 
for example, Ross Curry, Alfred and William Clifton, John Kears- 
ley, Jr., and John Young of Graeme Park; then there were some 
who had held high rank in civil and military circles, such as Joseph 
Galloway and Andrew Allen, "late members of the Congress of the 
thirteen United Colonies," the Reverend Jacob Duche, the first 
chaplain of Congress ; John Biddle, collector of excise for the County 
of Berks and deputy quarter master general of the American army ; 
Christian Foutz, lieutenant colonel of militia in Chester County, 
and Benedict Arnold, major general in the army of the United 
States ; and finally there were numerous officials of minor rank, in 
cluding Joseph Swanwick and John Bartlett of the Custom House 
of Philadelphia ; John Smith, gauger of the port of the city ; Sam 
uel Carrigues, Sr., clerk of the market ; William Austen, keeper of 
the New Jersey ferry ; Abraham Iredell, surveyor ; Nathaniel Ver- 
non, sheriff of Chester County; Samuel Biles, sheriff of Bucks 
County; Robert Land, justice of the peace of Northampton County, 
and Samuel Shoemaker, alderman of Philadelphia. 

/ On April 1, 1778, the Assembly had passed a law "for the Fur 
ther Security of the Government," which extended the time for 
subscribing to the test to June 1st. Any male white inhabitant of 
eighteen years of age or older who failed to comply was to be 
incapable of bringing any legal action, serving as a guardian, ex 
ecutor, or administrator, receiving a legacy, or making a will, be 
sides being subject to double taxes. Non-jurors might be impris 
oned for three months, or they might be fined 10 or less and re 
quired to leave the State within thirty days, besides forfeiting their 
goods and chattels to the Commonwealth and their lands and tene 
ments to the persons entitled by law to inherit them. As many 
individuals had been entering Philadelphia on various pretexts since 
its occupation by the British army, permits issuable by Congress, 
the Executive Council, or General Washington were to be required. 
The failure to observe this requirement laid the delinquent liable 
to a fine of 50 or less and imprisonment during the court s pleas 
ure. The disabilities imposed upon non- jurors by the present law 
and the test acts of 1777 were to last for life. Office-holders under 


the proprietary government who did not renounce their allegiance 
to the Crown before June 1, 1778, or within ten days after return 
ing to the State, were to have the privilege of selling their estates 
within ninety days, under permission from the Supreme Executive 
Council, and departing, or be deemed enemies and compelled to for 
feit their goods and chattels, lands and tenements. Finally, all 
trustees, provosts, rectors, professors, and tutors of any college or 
academy, all school-masters, merchants, traders, lawyers, doctors, 
druggists, notaries, and clerks who did not submit to the test would 
thereby be disabled from following their vocations and, on convic 
tion of disregarding this injunction, might be fined as much as 
500. The object of this last section of the new test law was to 
enable the Supreme Executive Council to deal with the officers of 
the College, Academy, and Charitable School of the City of Phila 
delphia. 4 

It was not, however, until in February, 1779, that a resolution 
was adopted appointing a committee to investigate the early his 
tory, the purposes, and the condition of the college. In consonance 
with the wishes of the trustees, Provost Smith submitted a written 
defense of the course and conduct of the trustees and other officers, 
but without the desired effect ; for on the 27th of the following No 
vember a law was passed by which the proprietary charters of the 
College, Academy, and Charitable School were "amended" and the 
provost and all others connected with these institutions were re 
moved. The name of the college was changed to "The University 
of the State of Pennsylvania," and the rights and property hitherto 
vested in the trustees were transferred to a new board appointed 
by the Assembly, which also authorized the Supreme Executive 
Council to reserve a sufficient number of estates confiscated from 
attainted Loyalists, but as yet unsold, to endow the reorganized es 
tablishment with an annual income not to exceed 1,500. During 
the next few years the university was vested with sixty such es 
tates. The annual rent charges which these properties would pro 
duce were carefully computed in bushels of wheat and totaled not 
far from 1,550 bushels. The estates thus appropriated for the uni 
versity were scattered through five counties, twenty-one of them 
being in the City of Philadelphia, twenty-one others in the county 
of the same name, seven each in Berks and Chester counties, three 
in Bucks, and one in Lancaster. Five of the properties in Berks 

Statutes at Large of Pa., IX, 149-151 ; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 377. 


County had belonged to Andrew Allen, and eight of those in Phila 
delphia had been held by John Parrock. Only two of the other es 
tates had belonged to a single owner at the time of their confisca 
tion. In addition to these sixty properties, the trustees, with the 
concurrence of the Supreme Executive Council, purchased fifteen 
other confiscated real estates at the public sales, all but three of 
these being in the City of Philadelphia. They also bought fifteen 
"rent charges, together with all the estate, interest and claim of 
the Commonwealth" in and to the lots and lands in the city from 
which these rentals emanated. Eleven of these last purchases had 
belonged to John Parrock and the other four to Samuel Shoemaker. 
Thus, by the purchase of the trustees and by the action of the 
Council, the university secured a total of ninety confiscated proper 
ties, of which forty-eight were located in Philadelphia and twenty- 
four in the county of the same name. As the income of these prop 
erties did not amount as yet to more than a yearly value of 1,381 
5s iy%d, computing wheat at the rate of ten shillings per bushel, 
the Legislature proceeded on September 22, 1785, to enact that the 
"several confiscated estates, lands, tenements and heriditaments 
and rent charges" be fully and absolutely vested in and confirmed 
to the University of the State of Pennsylvania." 5 

Meantime, Thomas Mifflin and nine other trustees of the old 
college presented a memorial to the Council of Censors proposing 
to restore the original corporation. The committee to which this 
memorial was referred reported in favor of the action requested. 
The matter was also brought to the attention of the Assembly 
by a letter from the former provost, Dr. Smith, and the committee 
named to consider the question reported that the college had never 
forfeited its rights nor committed any offense against the laws. 
The committee, therefore, recommended a resolution for adoption 
repealing the act of November 27, 1779, by which the property and 
rights of the college had been transferred to the board named by 
the Assembly. 

In accordance with these recommendations, the Assembly by 
a vote of twenty-eight yeas to twenty-five nays enacted a law, 
March 6, 1789, in the preamble of which the admission was frankly 
made that the corporation, trustees, professors, and other officers 
of the old college and its subsidiary schools had been deprived of 
their charters, franchises, and estates without trial by jury or 

6 Laws of Pa., II, 223-229, 258 ; III, 113-121, 302-306. 


proof of forfeiture. The new law therefore repealed such parts of 
the act of November 27, 1779, as concerned the ancient corpora 
tion, its charters, and its former rights, and provided for the rein 
statement of the trustees and the restoration of the faculty to all 
of the rights, emoluments, and estates which they had formerly held 
and enjoyed, except such rents and profits as had been received by 
the board of the university before March 2, 1789, such sums as had 
already been paid out in the discharge of just debts and contracts, 
and such bonds and mortgages as had been transferred, cancelled, 
or paid by it. The trustees of the university were, however, to be 
accountable to the trustees of the college for the value of these 
mortgages and bonds. Inasmuch as the unrepealed sections of the 
law of 1779 left the university still intact and in possession of the 
confiscated estates with which it had been endowed, the effect of 
the act of 1789 was to make the college and the university separate 
institutions. 6 

For the next seven years the two institutions, both located in 
Philadelphia, sustained the relation of rivals in the educational 
field. Then, their respective boards addressed petitions to the As 
sembly, in which they set forth that they had agreed to certain 
terms of union in the desire that the two might be combined by 
legislative action. Accordingly, an act was passed, September 30, 
1791, which provided that the name of the resulting institution 
should be "The University of Pennsylvania," the location remain 
ing in the city; it also provided that the existing boards of trus 
tees should elect twelve persons from among their own members 
on or before December 1st, who, with the governor of the State, 
should constitute a new board. This body was to have control of all 
funds, was to support a charity school for boys and another for 
girls, and was to choose the faculties in arts and medicine for the 
new university from each constituent institution equally. By this 
highly commendable action, the way was cleared for the future 
growth and usefulness of the University of Pennsylvania. 7 

Notwithstanding the fact that Governor John Penn had been 
deposed and the proprietary regime superseded since the summer 
of 1776, the Penns were left in a state of uncertainty for more than 
three years as to the settlement of their claims. In February, 1778, 
shortly after the Assembly had passed the act of attainder and 

Laws of Pa., Ill, 302-306 ; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 385, 386. 
7 Statutes at Large of Pa., XIV, 184-187. 


confiscation against Loyalists adhering to the enemy, it took up 
this highly important question. Governor Penn was notified at 
this time, and chose counsel to represent the family interests. 
Still, no action was taken until November 27, 1779, when after 
several days spent in discussion of the subject, the Assembly 
passed a law in which the proprietary charter was construed as an 
instrument "containing a public trust for the benefit of those who 
should settle in the State of Pennsylvania, coupled with a particu 
lar interest accruing to .... William Penn and his heirs, but in 
its very nature and essence subject and subordinate to the great 
and general purposes of society sanctioned in the said grant." The 
law further declared that the claims of the proprietaries to the 
whole of the soil bestowed by the charter, and likewise to the quit 
rents and purchase money for grants since made by them, were 
no longer consistent with the safety, liberty, and happiness of the 
inhabitants, who had rescued themselves and their possessions 
from the tyranny of Great Britain, and were then defending them 
selves from the inroads of the savages ; and it asserted that effec 
tive measures were demanded by the great expenses of the war 
and by the daily emigration of "multitudes of inhabitants" to 
neighboring States, where lands were being located and settled. 
Accordingly, the new law decreed that the interest, title, and claim 
which the proprietaries possessed in the soil of the late Province on 
July 4, 1776, together with the royalties, lordships, and all other 
hereditaments authorized by the charter, were henceforth vested 
in the Commonwealth, and subject to division, appropriation, and 
conveyance, in accordance with such laws as might be later enacted. 
Exception was made, however, of the rights appertaining to other 
persons than the proprietaries, by virtue of any deeds, warrants, or 
surveys of grants derived from the Penns, and filed in the Land 
Office before the Declaration of Independence. That is to say, the 
law confirmed both the legal and equitable rights of such persons. 
To the proprietaries themselves it secured their private estates 
and inheritances, besides such manors or "proprietary tenths" as 
had been surveyed and reserved in the Land Office by July 4, 1776, 
and in addition the quit rents and other rents belonging to them. 
It was further provided that commissioners should be appointed 
to constitute a Board of Property, with power to collect all papers, 
records, maps, and surveys in the possession of the propietaries or 
their agents respecting the lands within the State, and with power 


also to grant patents, confirm titles, appoint surveyors and other 
officers, and receive money arising from the sale of lands not as 
yet surveyed or located. 8 

In compensation for the proprietary rights of which the Penns 
were deprived by the above provisions, and in "remebrance of the 
enterprising spirit" of the founder of the State and "of the expecta 
tions and dependence of his descendants," the law awarded the 
sum of 130,000 sterling to the devisees and legatees of Thomas 
Penn, in such proportions as should thereafter be fixed by the Leg 
islature. Although a section of the law provided that no part of 
the sum stipulated should be paid within less than one year after 
the termination of the war, it was not until February 9, 1785, that 
an act was passed authorizing the immediate payment of 15,000 
as the first annual instalment. This amount had not been fully 
paid, however, at the end of March, 1787. Meanwhile, interest 
was accruing on the residue of the debt. Hence, at this time 
(March 28th), it was enacted that the State treasurer pay the re 
spective balances still due on the first instalment to John Penn, 
the elder, and John Penn, the younger, together with interest at 
six percent per annum from September 3, 1784, and the Supreme 
Executive Council was ordered to issue warrants on the treasurer 
forthwith for the discharge of the second and third instalments 
of 15,000 each, with interest from the dates of their maturity, 
respectively. Warrants or orders for what appear to have been the 
fourth and fifth instalments, although designated the fifth in 
stalment in the Records, were issued on March 20, 1789, when 
the elder Penn received 7,500 and the younger Penn received 
22,500. The sixth instalment, which amounted to 25,812 10s, 
was ordered paid a year later. Thus, by the spring of 1790, 
the Penns were in possession of 100,000 out of the compensation 
granted them by the State. On April 9, 1791, the Legislature made 
provision for the appropriation of a sufficient amount of six percent 
stock created by the State s subscription to a United States loan 
to discharge the last two instalments, and empowered the gov 
ernor the Executive Council had been supplanted by a single 
executive to draw the warrants on the State treasurer for all ar 
rearages of principal and interest, whenever the Penns or their 
agents should apply for the payment of the debt still due them. 9 

8 Laws of Pa., II, 230-234 ; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 406, 407. 

9 Laws of Pa., Ill, 200 ; Statutes at Large of Pa., XII, 431-435 ; XIV, 81-85. 


The claim made by the proprietaries on the British government 
for the losses and sufferings sustained by them in consequence of 
the Revolution amounted to 944,817 sterling. This was reduced 
after prolonged investigation by the Commissioners on Loyalists 
Claims to 500,000, and that estimate was recommended to Parlia 
ment for settlement. On the suggestion of Mr. Pitt, however, that 
body departed in this instance from its practice of granting a stip 
ulated sum as in the claims of other adherents of the Crown: it 
passed an act in 1790 by which an annuity of 3,000 was granted 
to John Penn, the son of the elder branch, and an annuity of 
1,000 to John Penn, the son of the younger branch of the family. 
Sabine remarks that "the Penn estate was by far the largest that 
was forfeited in America, and perhaps that was ever sequestered 
during any civil war in either hemisphere" ; but he also calls at 
tention to the fact that the large sum which they received from 
Pennsylvania, together with their annuities from Parliament, the 
immense estate which they retained in the Commonwealth founded 
by their ancestor, and the offices subsequently conferred on them 
probably placed them "in a condition quite as independent as that 
which they enjoyed previous to the Revolution." Certain it is that 
the Penns remained the largest landed proprietors in Pennsyl 
vania, by reason of their manors and other real estate, together 
with the ground rents and quit rents which they derived there 
from. 10 

10 Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., II, 162, 163 ; Colon. Records of Pa., XVI, 4, 83, 800. 
Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 407. 


Besides the public domain which the revolutionary government 
of Pennsylvania took from the proprietaries and the numerous pri 
vate estates which it confiscated from the attainted Loyalists, a 
large triangular tract of territory fronting on Lake Erie was ac 
quired from the Six Nation Indians by purchase, notwithstanding 
the fact that they had allied themselves with the British early in 
the war, had made Fort Niagara their headquarters, and had en 
gaged in many expeditions with Butler s Rangers against the 
frontier settlements. The first definite action looking to the pur 
chase of the tract in question was taken by the Assembly, Septem 
ber 25, 1783, when a resolution was adopted by that body authoriz 
ing the appointment of purchasing commissioners. These commis 
sioners seem not to have been named by the Executive Council un 
til late in February, 1784, and on December 4th the Council was 
able to report that the purchase had lately been made. The lands 
thus secured were offered for sale to white settlers at a price which 
proved to be too high to attract many buyers ; and the Council sug 
gested to the Assembly in a message of February 23, 1787, that 
the price be lowered, since only eight warrants had been issued 
for lots within the purchased tract during the past six months. 1 

On September 4, 1788, Congress passed an act by which the 
United States government relinquished and transferred to the State 
of Pennsylvania its right, title, and claim to the tract on Lake Erie. 
As a meeting of the Northern and Western tribes was soon to be 
held at Muskingum to make a treaty with the Continental commis 
sioners, the State Assembly took action on September 13th, em 
powering the Council to appoint two commissioners to secure from 
the forthcoming council a conveyance of its rights in the purchased 
tract, as the Western tribes had acknowledged claims therein. Ac 
cordingly, General Richard Butler and General John Gibson were 
named as the agents of the Commonwealth to attend the approach 
ing council. The instructions, which were framed for their guid- 

1 Colon. Records of Pa., XIV, 45, 271, 273 ; XV, 167. 



ance, informed the new commissioners that the State was already 
"vested with both right of jurisdiction and soil," but that the pur 
chase of the claims of the natives, which they were to effect, was 
agreeable "to the constant usage of Pennsylvania," and that they 
were to exercise their discretion whether to commence the busi 
ness with the Indians at present, or postpone it until a more fa 
vorable time, according to the temper in which they might find the 
tribes. Evidently the Indians manifested a friendly disposition, 
for on March 4, 1789, the Council sent to the Legislature the report 
of the commissioners that the transaction had been satisfactorily 
completed, together with an Indian deed of cession covering the 
tract. 2 

2 Colon. Records of Pa., XV, 631, 609 ; XVI, 36, 37. 139. 





On the day of the evacuation of Philadelphia, June 18, 1778, 
Captain Allen McLane and his Maryland troopers followed the 
British as they retreated into the Neck and captured Captain 
Thomas Sandford of the Bucks County Light Dragoons and Fred 
erick Varnum, keeper of the prison under Galloway. On the next 
day the American forces re-entered Philadelphia, and Major Gen 
eral Benedict Arnold was made commandant of the city. Arnold at 
once issued a proclamation calling attention to the resolution of 
Congress of June 4th, which requested Washington to see that 
order was preserved in the town and to prevent the removal or 
sale of the King s goods that remained in the possession of the 
people. Persons having a supply of certain articles, including all 
kinds of provisions beyond family need, were to make return to the 
town major. A large quantity of salt and other supplies were dis 
covered and seized under this order. Severe punishment was to be 
meted out to any found concealing British officers or soldiers or de 
serters from the Continental army. On June 20th, the city and its 
markets were declared open, and on the 25th and 26th, Congress 
and the Supreme Executive Council, respectively, began their ses 
sions in the city. 

The returning inhabitants had many complaints to make con 
cerning the damage or removal of their property by the depart 
ing host, one giving notice that "Joseph Fox, a noted traitor, had 
seized and taken away four tons of blistered steel, and all the ap 
paratus belonging to the steel furnace," which he had sold in the 
city; while another reported the removal of a printing press and 
its belongings, which were carted away in the King s wagons by 
James Robertson, the Tory printer of the Pennsylvania Gazette. 
In August, Arnold had a court-martial held for the trial of George 
Spangler and Frederick Verner on the charge of being spies in the 
British employ. The former was hanged the same month ; but the 



latter was kept in prison until he was finally exchanged. As many 
other Loyalists remained in Philadelphia, the Whigs preferred 
charges before Chief Justice Thomas McKean against some of these 
for aiding the British army, formed an association, afterwards 
called "the Patriotic Society, " with the object of disclosing and 
bringing to justice all Tories within their knowledge," and commit 
ted an attack on the house of Peter Deshong, who escaped injury 
by surrendering to the authorities as a proclaimed traitor. In Sep 
tember Deshong, together with several others accused of treason, 
was tried and acquitted ; but Abraham Carlisle of Philadelphia and 
John Roberts of Lower Marion, two Quakers well along in years, 
were convicted and, despite the appeals of some members of their 
juries and of numerous Whigs for commutation of sentence, were 
executed. Many other prosecutions followed during the months of 
November and December. 1 

Meanwhile, General Arnold was occupying the mansion of Rich 
ard Penn, living in great extravagance, associating chiefly with 
Tory families, and getting into trouble through his gross venality. 
Already in December, 1778, it was being rumored among his ac 
quaintances that Arnold would be discharged from his post, "be 
ing thought a pert Tory," and soon after that he was behaving 
"with lenity" towards this class of Philadelphians. In the latter 
part of March the commandant bought a handsome country es 
tate at Mount Pleasant, which a purchasing agent of General Wash 
ington says he paid for by appropriating to his own use $50,000 
which the agent left to his order for the liquidation of bills for 
army stores and clothing. At length, Arnold s corruption and dis 
play became so scandalous that the Supreme Executive Council 
formulated a series of charges against him, which he evaded by 
leaving the city. By direction of Congress a court-martial 
was held to try Arnold, but not until in January, 1780. 
Being convicted on the minor charge of making private use of the 
army wagons, he was sentenced to receive a reprimand from the 
commander in chief. He was exasperated by this verdict, and in 
the following spring he began his traitorous correspondence with 
General Clinton. In mid-summer he was appointed commander of 
the fortress of West Point, "the gateway of the Hudson Valley," 
at his own request by Washington. The arrangements for the sur 
render of this important post to the British were completed at 

1 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 385, 886, 387, 394. 


Arnold s secret conference with Major John Andre at Stony Point 
on a dark night in September ; but Andre was captured immediately 
afterward near Tarrytown. A letter unsuspectingly sent by Col 
onel Jameson informed Arnold of the British officer s arrest, and 
he fled on horseback to the river, where he boarded the enemy s 
sloop of war Vulture under a flag of truce. By October 8th, he was 
at the head of the American Legion, a corps of Loyalists newly 
organized by him in New York, which then numbered only 75 
troopers. This was the command he got as part of the price of his 
perfidy; but he also received 6,000 sterling. On October 2d, 
Arnold s estate at Mount Pleasant was confiscated by the Supreme 
Executive Council. It was subsequently sold to pay off a mortgage. 
On October 27th, the Council ordered his Loyalist bride, who was 
a daughter of Chief Justice Edward Shippen of Philadelphia, to 
leave the State within two weeks. 2 

A widespread fear of Toryism continued to prevail in Phila 
delphia after the re-occupation of the city by the Americans. Dur 
ing 1779 a number of supposed British sympathizers were prose 
cuted on various charges ; but most of them were acquitted, and a 
few were discharged because witnesses failed to appear against 
them, although they were required to give security for their good 
behavior. Of the few convicted, Samuel R. Fisher, a Quaker, was 
sentenced to jail for having sent information to the enemy at New 
York; George Hardy, who was to suffer capital punishment for 
having helped to disarm citizens of Southwark, was reprieved with 
the rope around his neck until after the session of the next As 
sembly; Joseph Pritchard was found guilty of misprision of trea 
son and laid under the penalty of losing his property and being im 
prisoned during the war, and William Cassedy, alias Thompson, 
was sentenced to death for high treason. 3 

That the community was not disposed to relax its vigilance 
in regard to the Loyalists is shown also by certain events occurring 
in the spring of this year. Thus, at the end of March, the Assembly 
passed a law empowering the officers of the militia to disarm non- 
jurors within their respective districts against whom sworn in 
formation should be given before a justice, permission being 
granted to the officers to remove cannon and all other warlike 

a Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 389-393; Rev. W. O. Raymond s Ms. Notes on 
Col. Edward Winslow s Muster Rolls. 

Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 400. 


weapons from buildings belonging to the suspects. In May a pub 
lic meeting was held to take measures for ascertaining whether 
inimical persons still remained in the city. Its action resulted in 
the appointment of a committee to hear evidence against any who 
might be accused of unfriendliness to the United States. As the 
proceedings of this committee did not meet with popular approval, 
the companies of militia formed a committee of their own, which 
on October 4th arrested several citizens and took them to a tavern 
on the common, where 200 of the militia also assembled. This body 
then marched to the house of James Wilson, Esq., a lawyer who 
had defended certain Tories accused of treason, taking with them 
two cannon and a number of Quakers and Tories whom they had ar 
rested. Anticipating an attack, Mr. Wilson and his friends were 
prepared to resist. Before the mob in the street was finally dis 
persed, an affray occurred in which some persons were injured 
and three were killed. Twenty-seven of the attacking militiamen 
were seized and incarcerated, but were admitted to bail the next 
day. On October 6th the Supreme Executive Council issued a proc 
lamation calling on the other rioters and the inmates of Wilson s 
house to surrender themselves, pending a judicial inquiry, and 
some of the latter did so. The Council attributed this tumult to the 
"undue countenance and encouragement" shown to disaffected per 
sons by "men of rank and character in other respects," as also to the 
frequent disregard of the laws and public authority of the State. 
Those who gave themselves up in obedience to the Council s proc 
lamation were bound over in large sums for their appearance at 
the next session of the Court of Oyer and Terminer. David Sole- 
bury Franks, the commissary of British prisoners, who was in 
volved in this affair and had surrendered himself along with the 
others, was ordered to depart the State but delayed until Novem 
ber 22d, when Joseph Reed, the president of the Council, informed 
him that he was expected to set out on his journey the next day 
without further indulgence. As for the others involved in this af 
fair, neither the militia nor Wilson s friends were prosecuted, the 
Assembly passing an act of amnesty in their behalf on March 13, 
1780. 4 

Meanwhile, on August 11, 1779, the Supreme Executive Coun 
cil asked the chief justice of the State for his opinion regarding 

* Statutes at Large of Pa., IX, 346-348 ; Colon. Records of Pa., XII, 121, 130, 137-139, 145, 
162; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 401-403; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., II, 
444, 445 ; Laws of Pa., II, 257. 


the status of certain Pennsylvania Loyalists, who had been cap 
tured at sea while engaged in a privateering enterprise and were 
already confined in the State prison. The chief justice replied that 
such of the prisoners as had not owed allegiance since February 
11, 1777 (when the law defining treason and misprision of treason 
was enacted by the Assembly) , were to be deemed prisoners of war, 
while any others might be proceeded against as traitors under the 
act of September 8, 1778, establishing a Court of Admiralty. On 
September 14, 1779, the Council directed the chief justice to ob 
tain the facts in regard to the prisoners in question and submit 
them, together with his advice. What that official reported does 
not appear ; but it was of such a tenor that the Council ordered the 
commissary of prisoners not to exchange his privateering charges 
without the further order of the board. On October 1st the As 
sembly passed a further supplement to the test laws because, as the 
supplement stated, many persons had omitted to subscribe to them 
probably "from disaffection to our late glorious revolution." In 
order, however, to afford all an opportunity to subscribe, the time 
for taking the test was extended to December 1st for the inhabi 
tants of Cumberland, Bedford, Northumberland, and Westmore 
land counties, thirty-five days being allowed for the inhabitants of 
Lancaster, York, Berks, and Northampton counties, and twenty- 
days only for the non-jurors of the City and County of Philadel 
phia, as also for those of Bucks and Chester counties. Persons 
refusing to take advantage of these arrangements were declared to 
be forever incapable of electing or being elected to office, serving 
on juries, or keeping schools, and to be forever deprived of the 
privileges and benefits of citizenship. This measure was followed 
within a few days by one authorizing the Council and the justices 
of the Supreme Court to order the arrest of suspects and to in 
crease the fines of persons neglecting their militia duty. 5 

The enactment of such laws indicate that the authorities still 
had many Loyalists to deal with. The popular resentment against 
this class of inhabitants had vented itself upon the male sex; and 
with but few exceptions the action of the Supreme Executive Coun 
cil and the other bodies that were entrusted with the promotion 
of the cause of liberty had been diected against members of the 
same sex. But in June, 1779, the grand jury had made a present- 

Colon. Records of Pa.. XII, 71, 74, 103, 112 ; Statutes at Large of Pa., IX, 277-283, 404. 
407 ; Laws of Pa., II, 219. 


ment to the effect that the wives of British emissaries had not de 
parted and were keeping up an injurious correspondence with the 
enemies of the country, supplying them with intelligence and 
propagating the most poisonous falsehoods. This action appears 
to have produced no marked effect in causing the wives of absent 
Loyalists to follow their husbands into exile, so far as official rec 
ords show. During the entire year of 1779 the Council issued 
scarcely more than a score of passports to such persons. One of 
these was granted to Mrs. Jacob Duche and her children; but on 
July 1st another pass was issued to the same family to return on 
account of Mrs. Duche s ill-health. Under date of February 4, 1780, 
an entry appears in the minutes of the Council that Elizabeth 
Fegan, the wife of an attainted traitor, was still lingering in Phila 
delphia, after having been accorded permission to go to New York, 
and that if she should be found within the State ten days from 
date, she was to be arrested and confined in the common jail. The 
record shows that a few passes in the usual form, that is, on con 
dition that the applicant should not return or must obtain the 
Council s consent before doing so, were granted during this month. 
It was not until March 7th of this year that the Council reached the 
conclusion that the grand jury had reached nine months before, 
being constrained thereto no doubt by the discovery in an inter 
cepted journal that Mrs. Samuel Shoemaker, whose husband was 
with the enemy, had been assisting prisoners and other persons 
inimical to the American cause to pass secretly to New York. At 
the same time the power to pardon persons under sentence of death 
for treason was vested by legislative act in the Executive Council, 
on condition that such persons would depart to foreign lands and 
not return to the United States. The Council now decided to pub 
lish notice that passports would be granted before April 15th to 
Loyalist wives to go within the British lines to their respective 
husbands, and that their neglect of proceeding thither would ren 
der it necessary to take further measures for the purpose. Only 
two women seem to have responded to this action, one of these be 
ing Mrs. Shoemaker, who did not secure her pass until April 16th, 
and had the courage to ask to be allowed to return within a year, 
but was subjected to the condition of obtaining the Council s con 
sent. On June 6th the Council announced that public notice would 
be given to the wives and children of such persons as had joined the 
enemy, requiring their departure from the State within ten days, 


and that protection would then be withdrawn from any remaining, 
who would become liable to prosecution as enemies of the State. A 
second clause of this order added that anyone carrying letters to or 
from New York or other places in the possession of the British 
would be subject to legal action, unless the letters had been in 
spected and properly endorsed by a member of the Council, or of 
the Continental Board of War, or by the commissary of prisoners ; 
and it was recommended that offenders be taken before a justice of 
the peace for commitment until the further order of the Council. 
On June 13th passports were issued to seven women under the 
terms of the new order, and on June 16th to ten more. The ten 
days specified in the resolution had now elapsed; but during the 
next thirty days the Council had to enforce its decree by directing 
that several wives, who had failed to depart, should be put in the 
workhouse, until they should give security to leave the State and 
not return again. During October several more women were sent 
to join their husbands, including Mrs. Esther Yeldall, the wife of 
Dr. Anthony Yeldall, who was required to take her five children 
with her and furnish bond in the sum of $20,000 not to return to 
any of the States during the war. Permission was granted during 
the same month to William Hamilton to sail for St. Eustatia and to 
Thomas Mendenhall to proceed to Ireland by way of New York. 
On December 18th Joseph Stansbury and his family were offered 
the privilege of going within the British lines. Mr. Stansbury had 
been included in the proclamation of attainder published on June 
15, 1778. In 1780 he was arrested and imprisoned in Philadelphia 
on the charge of engaging in illicit trade with the enemy, but in 
December was allowed to remove with his family and effects to 
New York, on condition that he would "use his utmost endeavors" 
to have two American prisoners on Long Island returned. On De 
cember 21st his request for his books and papers was granted by 
the Supreme Executive Council; and on the 8th of the following 
month a passport was issued to Mrs. Stansbury, her six children, 
and her maid servant. We hear nothing more of this exiled family 
until February 21, 1781, when they were together in New York 
City and were put in the way of drawing rations from the British 
commissary department. From May 1 to the end of June, 1782, 
Mr. Stansbury was employed in the secret service. In June of the 
following year he retired with his family to Moorestown, N. J., 
where he had hired a house, but was at once arrested under a war- 


rant from Governor Livingston and ordered to return to New 
York. Here on August 9th he was supplied with a letter of recom 
mendation from General Sir Guy Carleton to Governor John Parr, 
inasmuch as he was about to sail with his household for Nova 
Scotia. 6 

During 1781 a few passports were granted to women to go to 
New York, on condition of not returning during the war, and one 
on the same condition to Margaret Maguire, whose destination was 
Charlestown (S. C.?). But with the advent of the next year a 
marked change in the character of the passports is to be noted. 
Although numbers of passports continued to be issued during the 
remainder of the war, a large proportion of them name other des 
tinations than New York, and even those which name that me 
tropolis provide for the return of the applicant. This is not in 
variably true, for several exceptions occur during the fall, winter, 
and spring of 1782-83 ; and a group of four within this period des 
ignate Newburyport, while denying the right to return. In Febru 
ary, 1783, one applicant is permitted and another refused the 
privilege of going to Nova Scotia ; and on April 17th the Honorable 
John Penn, his wife, and attendants are authorized to proceed to 
New York. If the Council s formula "not to return" or "not to re 
turn during the war" be taken as a criterion of the Royalist at 
tachments of those to whom it was applied, over ninety such were 
supplied with passports during the period of eighteen months from 
the beginning of September, 1778, to the end of July, 1783. Of 
these ninety or more, thirteen were men; the others were women 
with a few children. In most cases the destination was New York ; 
but four passports were issued for Newburyport ; two for Halifax, 
one for Nova Scotia, one for Charlestown, one for St. Eustatia, one 
for Ireland, one for Germany, and two for Europe. 

Not only the wives of Loyalists who had joined the enemy 
proved particularly troublesome during the early months of 1780 ; 
but the Quakers also, both in the City and County of Philadelphia, 
proved to be a disturbing element by declining to furnish informa 
tion in regard to the amount of their property for the purposes of 
taxation, although such concealment rendered them liable to a four 
fold assessment. Then, too, the resident Loyalists were so active 

8 Colon. Records of Pa., XI, 43, 518, 571, 642, 649, 673, 758 ; XII, 11, 21, 24, 29, 86, 44, 
61, 68, 69, 79, 81, 101, 120, 243, 253, 256, 257, 270, 271, 300, 352, 377, passim; XIII, 17, 21, 
30, 59, passim; Rep. on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., II, 248; III, 85; IV, 216, 269; 
Laws of Pa., II, 253, 254. 


in intrigues of various kinds that the principal Continental officers 
in Philadelphia, headed by General Anthony Wayne, published an 
address on April 6th declaring their "fixed and unalterable reso 
lution to curb the spirit of insolence and audacity, manifested by 
the deluded and disaffected" by refusing to associate or communi 
cate with anyone who had exhibited "an inimical disposition, or 
even lukewarmness to the independence of America," or with any 
one who might give countenance to such persons, "however respect 
able his character or dignified his office." They said further that 
they would regard any military officers who should contravene the 
object of their declaration as a proper subject for contempt. Among 
those who were manifesting their inimical disposition at this time 
were several persons taken up for aiding British prisoners and 
other enemies of the State to escape. One of those arrested was Dr. 
William Cooper of Philadelphia, who had concealed a Loyalist for 
some time and had then procured him a doctor s place on board an 
armed ship. As Dr. Cooper chose to depart rather than give security 
for his good behavior in the future, he was granted two months in 
which to prepare. John Kugler, his wife Susanna, and Abraham 
Harvey, who were examined by the Council on the charge of help 
ing prisoners and others to flee to New York, Mrs. Kugler being 
also charged with harboring spies, were sentenced to jail. The 
same punishment was visited upon James Scott and Henry Lane, 
two former inhabitants of Philadelphia, who had "recently returned 
to the city. 7 

With so much active Toryism abroad at a time when the out 
look for the American cause was peculiarly discouraging, the Su 
preme Executive Council decided on June 6th in favor of discrim 
inating between the friends of independence and the non- jurors 
in exacting supplies to meet the pressing needs of the army. 
Three days later the Council proclaimed martial law in Phila 
delphia and announced the establishment of an Office of En 
quiry to be conducted by commissioners for the arrest of all suspi 
cious characters and to take such other measures as the public 
safety might require., on the ground that the admission of strangers 
into the city without examination was enabling the enemy to send in 
spies and emissaries, distribute counterfeit money, and employ 
other means to defeat the public welfare. All civil and military of- 

7 Scharf and Westcott. Hist, of Phila., I, 408, 410 ; Colon. Records of Pa., XII, 272, 301, 
807, 880, 839, 342. 


ficers and other faithful inhabitants of the Commonwealth were 
therefore required to assist the Board of Enquiry in its operations. 
Horses belonging to Quakers and Loyalists were seized for the use 
of the army ; the houses of persons suspected of disloyalty to Amer 
ica were searched for arms and, in order to facilitate the collec 
tion of provisions, an embargo was laid on all outward-bound ves 
sels, except those in the service of France. The immediate occasion 
of these rigorous measures is to be found in a sudden invasion of 
New Jersey by the British. 8 

A committee of Friends presented a memorial to the Assembly 
of 1780, complaining of laws detrimental to their liberties and privi 
leges and explaining that they were restrained by divine ordinances 
from complying with "tests and declarations to either party" en 
gaged in actual war. The memorial also stated that members of the 
society had suffered abuse and that some of them had been subjected 
to oppression by public officials, especially in the enforcement of 
the militia law. The committee of the Assembly, to which this com 
munication was referred, formulated a series of questions designed 
to call forth from the Quakers an expression of their sentiments 
towards the State, and received a reply thereto which the commit 
tee characterized as "an evasion of the questions proposed." As 
the Assembly paid no further attention to the matter, the Quakers 
soon adopted an address in vindication of their political course. 9 

The Tories, however, were not treated with such leniency by 
the Executive Council, which admitted to surety, imprisoned, or 
sent within the enemy s lines suspicious persons; sentenced sev 
eral to be hanged who were charged with enlisting in the British 
service, and was responsible for the execution of David Dawson 
of Chester on December 25th for visiting Philadelphia while in 
Howe s possession. Phineas Paxton, an inn-keeper of Bucks 
County, who was tried on the same date with Dawson (June 27th) 
for aiding in the escape of British prisoners, was forbidden to 
keep a tavern any longer, required to furnish a bond of 30,000, 
or more, and was committed to prison until he should comply with 
these conditions. The next two cases, which arose nearly a fort 
night after Paxton s, gave the Council the opportunity of exercising 
its power of pardon, newly bestowed by act of the General Assem- 

8 Colon. Records of Pa., XII, 272, 301, 307, 330, 339, 342, 383, 884 ; Scharf and Westcott, 
Hist, of Phila., I, 410, 411. 

8 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 411. 


bly, and apparently first employed in behalf of Edward Greswold 
("Grizzle") and John Wilson, two youthful deserters from Captain 
Jacob James s troop of Philadelphia Light Dragoons, who had re 
turned, like others who had enlisted under Howe s proclamation, 
surrendered themselves, and received sentence of death. Later, 
however, they were fully restored to their former standing as ac 
ceptable citizens of the State. 

In November it was discovered that a number of inhabitants 
of Philadelphia, together with certain persons in New Jersey and 
New York City, were carrying on trade with refugees in the latter 
place. Lumber was shipped in vessels sailing from Philadelphia 
with two sets of clearance papers. On arriving at New York the 
lumber was sold, and the goods purchased with the proceeds were 
sent to Shrewsbury, N. J., and then were secretly conveyed to Phila 
delphia. That such trade had been going on for some time ap 
pears from a statement published in the New Jersey Gazette of 
Trenton, under date of January 20, 1779. This statement declared 
that on January 2d a certain Joseph Castle had been apprehended 
at Mansfield on his way to the enemy in New York, via Shrewsbury, 
without any passport, and was committed to jail in Burlington; 
that Castle had a number of letters from Tories in Philadelphia to 
their friends in New York, some of which showed that a constant 
correspondence was maintained and traffic carried on between re 
fugees in New York and disaffected persons in New Jersey and 
Pennsylvania, chiefly by way of Shrewsbury where, as a matter of 
fact, a considerable number of Tories resided. The statement 
closed with an admonition to magistrates and others to examine 
suspicious persons traveling to and from Shrewsbury. Notwith 
standing this public warning, the Supreme Executive Council did 
not apprehend some of the participants in it until late in November, 
1780, when eleven of these culprits were given a hearing. A few of 
them were sent to New Jersey for trial ; several more were released 
on bail, and the others were imprisoned. Among those arrested 
were Joseph Stansbury, who was allowed to go to New York with 
his family, as we have already seen; Joshua Bunting of Chester 
field, N. J., who kept the stage-house where the agents of the traders 
stopped, and James Steelman, John Shaw, and William Black, cap 
tains of vessels engaged in the trade. The discovery of this long- 
continued conspiracy resulted in the forming of a "Whig Asso 
ciation," for the purpose of suppressing all intercourse with Loy- 


alists and suspected persons, and many military officers served on 
the executive committee of the new organization. 10 

Meantime, considerable damage was being inflicted on the 
commerce of the city by the operations of Tory privateers in Dela 
ware Bay and River, despite the efforts to prevent it by sending 
out several pilot boats, a Continental packet, and one of the State 
galleys. 11 

Notwithstanding the Council s unremitting measures in re 
gard to returned and absent Loyalists, that body found its authority 
over such persons jeopardized by petitions and resolutions ad 
dressed to the Assembly, which it claimed were calculated to re 
scind its decisions. It therefore sent a message to the House, 
March 27, 1781, in which it denied any desire on its part to re 
strict the liberty and liberality of the Assembly in the way of spe 
cial legislation to annul executive proceedings, but ventured to 
suggest that such legislation necessarily tended to "lessen the 
weight of the Council," disturb the harmony of government, and 
would "eventually injure the real interests of the State." It urged 
that a better way would be to repeal laws openly and explicitly if 
they were too severe, or reduce the powers of the Council if they 
were too extensive; and it concluded by asking for a conference 
with the House. We can only surmise that the result of this con 
ference was in keeping with the views of the Supreme Executive 
Council, for its authority does not seem to have been materially 
lessened. 12 

In November of this year a plot to steal away the secret jour 
nals and other papers of Congress was discovered. The execution of 
this plot, which had been concocted by Benedict Arnold, was un 
dertaken by Lieutenant James Moody of the first battalion, New 
Jersey Volunteers, one of the most daring Loyalists in the King s 
service, together with his brother, John Moody, and Lawrence 
Marr. These men had an accomplice in Addison, an Englishman, 
who was an assistant to the secretary of Congress. While waiting 
concealed in a house on the Delaware, Lieutenant Moody acci 
dentally learned that his ally had betrayed the plot ; that his asso 
ciates were already taken, and that a party of soldiers had crossed 
the river in search of him. Managing to escape up the Delaware 

10 Colon. Records of Pa., XII, 401, 419 ; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 412, 413 ; 
N. J. Archives, 2d Ser., Ill, 33, 34, 89, 94, 368. 

Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 413. 
12 Colon. Records of Pa., XII, 675. 


in a small boat, he succeeded in reaching the British lines after a 
week s time. His brother was hanged on the Philadelphia common 
before the end of the month ; but Lawrence Marr was respited and 
afterwards released. 13 

The arrest of the Loyalists engaged in the illicit traffic with 
New York City, which was effected at about the same time that 
John Moody was executed, did not suffice to put an end to the in 
tercourse between New York and Philadelphia. That intercourse 
continued, indeed, during the year 1782, being carried on by means 
of wagons with false bottoms and sides, in which 800 pounds of 
goods could be stowed away. Articles for shipment were also 
placed in kegs, which were then hidden in barrels of cider and thus 
carried to their destination. By a law passed in September " for 
the more effectual suppression of intercourse and commerce with 
the enemies of America British goods were declared contraband 
and liable to forfeiture, while the importer was punishable with 
three months imprisonment." 14 

For some time small groups of Pennsylvania Loyalists had 
been carrying on predatory warfare in the southeastern part of 
the State. These bands of "robbers," which were well mounted, 
committed their depredations with such boldness and success that 
both the Supreme Executive Council and the Legislature were 
moved to take action against them. On July 17, 1782, the Council, 
having received information that Thomas Bulla, Stephen Ander 
son, and John Jackson, three inhabitants of Chester County who 
had been attainted, were writing letters to various citizens, threat 
ening to burn their houses and effects, issued a proclamation of 
fering a reward of 50 in specie for the arrest and imprisonment 
of Bulla and of 20 each for the incarceration of the other two. 
Some months later Gideon Vernon, another attainted Loyalist, re 
turned to Chester County and was harbored by John Briggs, who 
was sentenced to pay a fine of 50 and suffer imprisonment for a 
season. On June 3, 1783, however, the Council decided on peti 
tion from Briggs to remit his term in jail, on condition that he 
furnish security for the payment of his fine, in addition to the fees 
and costs of the prosecution and for his good behavior during the 
next three years. The names of Vernon and Bulla, together with 

18 Narrative of James Moody; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., II, 48, 96, 97; Laws 
of Pa., II, 379; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 419. 
i* Ibid., 424. 


those of the notorious Doane brothers of Bucks County and eleven 
others, appear in a proclamation of the Council, dated September 
13, 1783, which quotes a special act of the Assembly authorizing 
their speedy arrest and punishment as persons who have been 
duly attainted with complicity in these crimes. As the act offered 
a reward of 300 each for the delivery of the offenders to the sher 
iff of any county in the Commonwealth, and also a reward of 50 
for the discovery of any one who had aided or comforted them, or 
had received booty stolen by them with the knowledge that it had 
been stolen, the Council ordered all judges, justices, sheriffs, and 
constables to make diligent search for the offenders and their abet 
tors. This order and the liberal rewards offered were efficacious, at 
least in so far as the Doanes were concerned ; although Israel Doane 
had already been captured and put in jail in the previous February. 
A petition, which he addressed to the Council for release, on account 
of the destitute condition of his family and his own sufferings, was 
dismissed. In September, 1783, Joseph Doane, the father of Israel 
and his brothers, was in the Bedford County jail. In October, 1784, 
Aaron Doane was under sentence of death at Philadelphia, but 
was pardoned by the Council in the following March. Abraham 
and Mahlon, two other brothers who were mentioned in the procla 
mation, paid the full penalty for their depredations: they were 
hanged in Philadelphia. Moses Doane was shot and killed by his 
captor after a desperate encounter. Joseph Doane, Jr., while on 
one of his raids, was severely wounded and taken prisoner, but es 
caped from jail and crossed into New Jersey. There he lived under 
an assumed name for nearly a year, without giving up his former 
employment. At length he fled to Canada. Sabine tells us that "sev 
eral years after the peace, he returned to Pennsylvania a poor, 
degraded, broken-down, old man to claim a legacy of about 40, 
which he was allowed to recover, and to depart." 15 

When the contents of the preliminary treaty of peace became 
known at the end of the revolutionary struggle, the more violent 
Whigs were much dissatisfied with the provisions according Loyal 
ists the right to go to any part of the United States and remain 
there for twelve months, while forbidding their persecution or the 
future confiscation of their property. On May 29, 1783, the militia 
gathered at the State House and adopted resolutions against per- 

15 Colon. Records of Pa., XIII, 333, 590, 687-690 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., I, 


mission being granted to Tory refugees to return, or remain among 
Americans who had been faithful to their country; announcing 
the militia s determination to use all means at command to prevent 
them from doing so, and expressing a readiness to join with others 
in sending instructions to their representatives in the Assembly. 
The resolutions further declared that persons harbor ing or enter 
taining those enemies of the country ought to feel the highest dis 
pleasure of the citizens," and called for a town meeting to decide 
on the method of instructing representatives and such other meas 
ures as might appear necessary, and for the appointment of a com 
mittee to carry the purpose of the assemblage into effect. 

Accordingly, a general meeting of citizens was held at the 
State House, June 14th, and resolutions of the same general tenor 
as those adopted by the earlier meeting were agreed to, but with 
an added clause pledging those present to use every method "to 
expel with infamy" those refugees who had presumed, or should 
in future presume, to return, while authorizing a committee to pub 
lish their names in the city papers and see to the execution of the 
resolutions. The meeting asserted its decided conviction that "the 
restoration of estates forfeited by law" was "incompatible with the 
peace, the safety, and the dignity of the commonwealth." After 
the committee had served peremptory notice on a few returned 
Loyalists, earnest remonstrances were made against its action, 
which was criticized as being repugnant to the treaty of peace ; but 
no attention was paid to them by the committee. 16 

In truth, more compassion was shown to attainted Loyalists 
by the Supreme Executive Council than was manifested to these un 
fortunate refugees by a committee whose only powers were derived 
from an unauthorized mass meeting. 

16 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 427, 428. 



As we have already noted, attainted Loyalists were first par 
doned by the Council in July, 1780. The clemency exercised in be 
half of Frederick Buzzard, February 13, 1784, was of lesser degree, 
for he had been convicted in Chester County of nothing worse than 
aiding British prisoners to escape, and had been fined therefor. A 
third of the amount imposed having been already paid by Mr. Buz 
zard or his friends, the Council relented on appeal and remitted the 
remainder. During the next five years the names of eight attainted 
persons appear in the minutes of the Council as those of applicants 
for the mercy and forgiveness of that body. In the case of the first 
two of these persons the action taken was to suspend the attainder 
until the next session of the General Assembly. In the case of the 
next five petitioners, full personal pardon was granted, but this 
does not appear to have carried with it the restoration of confis 
cated property in a single instance. In the last case contained in 
our list leave to withdraw the petition was granted, the Council 
being averse to considering the applicant s claim for a pardon. 

Taking up these cases in their order, we shall consider 
their special features. The first petition in our series was 
one signed by various inhabitants of Philadelphia in behalf 
of Matthias Aspden, a former merchant of the city, who had 
abandoned a business that brought him a profit of 2,000 annually, 
gone to New York, and sailed in 1776 for Corunna, Spain, on his 
way to London. Nine years later Mr. Aspden had returned, and 
his friends had undertaken to secure a pardon for him, although 
he is said to have hastened back to England on finding that his 
life was in peril. The petition in his behalf was first read in Coun 
cil, November 14, 1785; but it was not acted upon until January 
19th of the following year, when Mr. Aspden was reprieved until 
the next session of the Assembly. In April, 1786, this latter body 
seems to have granted him a full pardon. However, he did not re 
cover his house, wharf, and warehouses in Philadelphia, which had 



been confiscated by the State, April 1, 1781, and which were given 
to the university. Despite his pardon, Mr. Aspden did not remain 
in America; in 1802 he was in France; in 1804 he was traveling 
in Italy; in 1815 he was at New York, and in July, 1817, he left 
Philadelphia for England by way of Canada. He died in London, 
August 9, 1824, leaving a will which Sabine says gave rise to the 
most extraordinary suit ever instituted under the confiscation 
acts of the Revolution. It was not finally decided until in 1848, 
when his American heirs secured a decree in the United States Cir 
cuit Court that gave them property valued at more than $500,000. 
This decree was sustained by the Supreme Court against the ap 
peal of the English claimants. 1 John Potts who, like Matthias 
Aspden, was granted a reprieve until the Assembly should have a 
chance to act on his case, was, as we already know, one of Sir Wil 
liam Howe s magistrates of the police at Philadelphia, having 
served earlier as a judge of the Court of Common Pleas. After re 
tiring to New York he had been attainted in 1779, and at the peace 
he probably went to Nova Scotia as a refugee settler. His appli 
cation for a pardon was favorably considered by the Council on 
May 26, 1786. 2 

Of the group of five Loyalists whose requests were fully ac 
corded, it may be remarked in general that none of them was as 
prominent or influential as either of the two who had received at 
the hands of the Council only suspension of sentence. Moreover, 
the first of the five, Thomas Gordon, put forward the claim that he 
was under lawful age at the time of his attainder, and he asked 
only that the Council would institute process in the Supreme Court 
of the State to determine the validity of its sentence in view of the 
fact alleged. Gordon s petition was finally granted, November 26, 
1787, after the lapse of seven and a half months from the time of 
its presentation. 3 The second petitioner in this group was Robert 
Cunard of Norristown, Montgomery County, who, like hundreds of 
his fellow-Pennsylvanians, had joined the British army in 1777. 
His application was read and concurred in, June 1, 1789. While 
there was nothing unusual about the career of Mr. Cunard, he left 
descendants in the persons of his grandsons, the offspring of his 
son Abraham, a merchant at Halifax, who later became widely 

1 Colon. Records of Pa., XIV, 34, 578, 625 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., I, 186-190. 

2 Colon. Records of Pa., XV, 26 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., II, 199. 
8 Colon. Records of Pa., XV, 177, 338. 


known as the Brothers Cunard, the founders of the Royal Mail 
Steamship Line. 4 The third applicant in this group was John Wil 
son of Bucks County, who submitted reasons in his petition why he 
should be granted a pardon in so far as respected his person only. 
On hearing this document read, the Council voted "that the said 
John Wilson be and he is hereby pardoned/ 5 A similar action was 
taken, February 6, 1790, in favor of the fourth petitioner in our 
list, namely, Arthur Thomas of Philadelphia, who represented that 
he had "behaved himself peaceably" since his attainder and that 
he was desirous of returning to Pennsylvania. The fact that Mr. 
Thomas was recommended to the mercy of the Council by a num 
ber of respectable citizens seems to have carried weight with the 
board, whose secretary not only mentions the recommendation in 
the records, but also notes that the resolution granting pardon was 
adopted unanimously. This petitioner, however, did not remain at 
Philadelphia permanently. In May, 1786, he was living in Wilming 
ton, Del. 6 The last member of this group was John Rankin, who 
settled at the conclusion of the war in the Quaker colony at Penn- 
field, N. B., the lands of which he helped to select, being one of the 
three agents sent from New York City by an association of Penn 
sylvania Quakers for the purpose. The vicissitudes which this col 
ony passed through in 1787 and the years just following served 
to disperse many of the settlers at Pennfield, among them being 
John Rankin, whose petition must have expressed a deep desire of 
his heart, when he asked to be restored to the rights of citizenship 
in Pennsylvania. The Council acceded to his prayer on March 9, 
1790. 7 

Thus far the Supreme Executive Council had not failed to give 
a favorable answer to the petitions for pardon that had been sub 
mitted to it by relenting or disappointed Loyalists. Finally, how 
ever, came the most surprising petition of all, that of the former 
arch Tory of Pennsylvania, Joseph Galloway, who, after his re 
tirement to England, had stood forth as the irrepressible cham 
pion of American Loyalism in his criticisms of the campaigns in 
the Middle Colonies, in his elaborate discussion of the provisions 
relating to the Loyalists in the treaty of peace, in his manifold 

4 Colon. Records of Pa., XVI, 107 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., I, 346. 

6 Colon. Records of Pa., XVI, 115. 

8 Colon. Records of Pa., XVI, 273; 2d Rep., Bur. of Archives, Ont., (1904), Pt. I, 618. 

7 Vide post, p. 102 ; Colon. Records of Pa., XVI, 297. 


services as agent for his fellow-sufferers, and in his correspondence 
with many Loyalists who continued in America. So far as one can 
judge from the entry in the Council s minutes, Mr. Galloway s pe 
tition, which was presented by his attorney, Thomas Clifford, was 
terse and formal, contenting itself with "stating the attainder of 
the said Galloway of high treason, and praying that Council would 
be pleased to grant him a pardon of the said offense." It was read 
the second time on May 18, 1790, "when on motion of the Vice 
President [George Ross, Esq.], seconded by Mr. [Richard] Will 
ing, it was Resolved, That Mr. Clifford have leave to withdraw the 
said petition." Technically, then, Mr. Galloway s application was 
not refused: it was withdrawn, and its author remained in Eng 
land until the time of his death in 1803. 8 

It was probably sometime after this action that a proposal was 
offered in Council to bestow a general pardon upon such as still 
rested under the State s proscription. But by a vote of Decem 
ber 3, 1790, the "further consideration" of this motion was post 
poned until the 7th of the same month, and when that date ar 
rived the consideration of the motion was again postponed. It is 
more than possible that the recollection of Mr. Galloway s petition 
was enough to dampen any generous impulses the Council may 
have felt towards granting amnesty to the mass of offenders who 
were as yet unpardoned, and that it still preferred to deal indi 
vidually with such cases as might arise from time to time. 

Notwithstanding the popular resentment against Loyalists re 
turning to or remaining in Philadelphia after the peace, many did 
nevertheless remain, and some did return, besides those who took 
the precaution to provide themselves with pardons. Of those who 
continued to reside in Philadelphia Edward Shippen, LL. D., is a 
notable instance. As we have already seen, his daughter was ex 
pelled from the State as the wife of Benedict Arnold, after the 
latter s treason. Mr. Shippen, however, was not only permitted to 
remain, but was elevated to the chief justiceship in 1799. This ap 
pointment was held by him until his death in 1806. Another of those 
who found it possible to see the Revolution through without with 
drawing from the city was the quaint teacher of Greek and Latin 
in the Friends Academy, Robert Proud. He is described as having 

8 Colon. Records of Pa., XVI, 363; Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., Vol. XXVI (Dec. 1902), 
438 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the 4m. Rev., I, 454-456. 


worn a curled gray wig and a half-cocked hat above a Roman nose 
and a "most impending brow ;" and his letters to his brother show 
him to have possessed "high Tory feelings." He is best remembered 
by his History of Pennsylvania, a work in two volumes, which was 
published in 1797 and 1798. He died in 1813, at the age of eighty- 
five years. Christopher Sauer, Jr., the Tory printer of Germantown 
who left with the British at the evacuation of Philadelphia, came 
back later and died near the city in August, 1784. John Parrock, 
who had formerly been a resident of the Quaker City, returned from 
New York when the British troops and their thousands of Tory 
adherents left there in 1783 ; and although he bore the stigma of 
attainder and his property had been confiscated, he remained until 
March, 1786, when he proceeded to Halifax. The fact that Chief 
Justice Benjamin Chew was sent into temporary exile for refusing 
to sign a parole in 1777 did not prevent his entering the State again 
after passing through that disagreeable experience, nor did it pre 
vent his being appointed president of the High Court of Errors and 
Appeals in 1790. He continued to serve in this capacity until the 
tribunal over which he presided was abolished in 1806, which was 
only four years before his death. Governor John Penn, who was Mr. 
Chew s associate in exile, was supplied with passports to New York 
for Mrs. Penn, himself, and their attendants on April 17, 1783. 
Whether they were on their way to England at this time does not 
appear, although it is probable that they were. If so, Mr. Penn 
returned later ; for he died in Bucks County in 1795. The Reverend 
Jacob Duche, who spent the years of his banishment in England, 
recrossed the ocean in 1790 and appeared in Philadelphia shattered 
in health, although he survived until 1798. 9 

During 1784 the General Assembly was more or less occupied 
in considering proposals to abolish the "test laws." A petition for 
their repeal was presented in March, but was laid on the table by 
a vote of thirty-seven to twenty-seven. A resolution introduced in 
September stated that numbers of young men, who had arrived at 
eighteen years of age since the passage of the laws, had not taken 
the oaths of allegiance, and were thus being deprived of their citi 
zenship. It called for a law to remedy this condition of affairs, and 
was supported by a petition from non- jurors for admission to 
political and civic rights. In the course of the discussion that fol- 

9 Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., II, 612, 202, 626, 163 ; I, 207, 265 ; 2d Rep., Bur. of 
Archives, Ont. (1904), Pt. I, 669; Colon. Records of Pa., XIII. 561. 


lowed a resolution was offered in favor of denying the privilege 
of holding salaried office to citizens who had voluntarily joined 
the British army, or been convicted of aiding or abetting the King. 
This resolution was adopted by a vote of forty-six to four. On Sep 
tember 25th a new proposal came up for passage. This was that 
the test laws be so amended as to entitle all white male inhabitants 
who had not subscribed, to take the oath under the act of June 13, 
1777, and thus become free citizens, but that no person should be 
eligible to office until he had also taken the oath prescribed in the 
act of December 5, 1778. This measure was carried by a vote of 
twenty-nine yeas to twenty-two nays. Three days later the speaker 
cast the deciding vote in favor of a motion to take up a bill entitled 
"A further Supplement to the Test Laws/ and nineteen members 
left the Assembly, which was thus deprived of its quorum. The 
seceders justified their conduct by declaring in an address to the 
public that improper methods had been employed to force the bill 
through and insisting that those who had not participated in the 
toils and sufferings of the Revolution should not share in its ben 
efits. The speaker of the Assembly and other advocates of the re 
vision of the test acts urged in reply that legislation for the relief 
of non- jurors was necessary, both in order to enfranchise 
those who had been too young to subscribe to the test act of 1779 
and the older men who had been unoffending neutrals during the 
war and had paid their full proportion of its expense. They esti 
mated that nearly one-half of the inhabitants of Pennsylvania had 
been deprived of the rights of citizenship by the law of 1779, and 
added that there could be no danger of any abuse by extending the 
law since, under its provisions, no person who had joined the British 
army or had been convicted of aiding and abetting the King was 
eligible to office. 

This question became one of the issues in the election, 
which was held in October, and the voters in the City and 
County of Philadelphia, as probably also in other parts of the 
State, chose candidates for the Assembly who were opposed to the 
extension of the rights of citizenship to the non- jurors. In Decem 
ber General Anthony Wayne led in the struggle to amend the test 
laws, adducing as his chief argument that they were depriving of 
representation many inhabitants who were, nevertheless, subject 
to taxation, but his amendment was postponed; and a subsequent 
motion to instruct a committee to report a bill revising the test 


laws was lost by a vote of eleven ayes to forty-seven nays. Similar 
efforts during 1785 also ended in failure, although, according to 
a local historian, the law of 1779 operated with such severity in 
certain districts of the State that "the number of free men who 
were entitled to all privileges of citizenship was not sufficient to 
administer the local government." 10 

Despite this serious condition of affairs, a new test act was 
passed, March 4, 1786, because in the words of the act itself 
"many of the inhabitants" had failed to subscribe to one or another 
of the oaths contained in the earlier acts within the times specified, 
thereby depriving themselves of the privileges of citizenship, and 
also because it was thought that not a few of the non- jurors would 
now be willing to testify to their allegiance, since independence 
was an established fact. It was therefore enacted that non- jurors 
might take a new test before a justice of the peace of the district 
in which they lived. The subscribers had to swear or affirm that they 
renounced all allegiance to King George III., his heirs and succes 
sors, that they would bear true faith to Pennsylvania as a free 
State, and that they had never voluntarily joined or assisted the 
King, his generals, fleets or armies, or their adherents. Another 
section of the law declared that no benefit from its provisions should 
extend to any person attainted of high treason, nor to any one who 
had "joined, assisted, or countenanced the savages in their depre 
dations." Obviously, this last clause was aimed at that body of 
Pennsylvanians who had fled during the war to Fort Niagara and 
Detroit from the Susquehanna and upper Delaware valleys and 
from Pittsburgh, respectively, and had thereafter cooperated with 
the Indians in raids against the frontiers. But the new law, 
although it was enacted three years after the end of the Revolution, 
failed likewise to show any leniency to the much larger number of 
Loyalists who, under the stress of circumstances, including per 
secutions, had sought safety within the enemy s lines, not to speak 
of those who had enlisted in the royal service. It should be noted 
that Robert Morris had sought to mitigate the severity of the law 
by offering two motions, one to strike out certain words describing 
the new oath as one of "abjuration," and the other to omit the 
clause in regard to aid rendered to the King, or his generals, fleets, 
and armies ; but both of these motions were lost. The law, there 
fore, as passed, left no loophole by which unrelenting Loyalists, 

1 Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 435-436, 439, 440. 


whether still within the State or desiring to return to it, might 
become citizens. 11 

The test law of March 4, 1786, remained in force a little over 
a year, when it was at length amended, March 29, 1787, about in 
conformity with the ideas of Robert Morris by the substitution of 
an oath that was doubtless far less objectionable to the Loyalists. 
The explanation offered for this action was that the abjuration of 
the King was no longer effectual, since he had formally renounced 
the allegiance of the inhabitants of the United States, that many 
useful citizens were disqualified by their scruples against taking 
the test as it stood, and that it was impolitic to deprive the com 
munity of their allegiance. Henceforth, therefore, the subscriber 
would only be required to swear to his allegiance to Pennsylvania 
as an independent State and to abstain from doing anything injur 
ious to the freedom thereof. Those consenting to subscribe to this 
simple oath were declared free citizens. 12 

It was not, however, until March 13, 1789, that the Assembly 
reached the point where it was prepared to annul the entire series 
of test acts, including even that mentioned in the preceding para 
graph. All these laws were now declared to be repealed and all 
non- jurors to be restored to citizenship. 13 

That the animosities between Whigs and Tories were still 
capable of revival was shown later in the same year in connection 
with the opposition arising between factions in two Scotch Presby 
terian congregations of Philadelphia over the question whether 
the Associate Presbytery of Pennsylvania should remain subject 
to the Synod of Edinburgh. One of these factions besought the 
Assembly for a law annulling this relationship in so far as it con 
cerned the holding of the local church property. The other or Tory 
faction was opposed to such a measure. Nevertheless, a law was 
enacted in September, which canceled the declaration of trust be 
tween the local presbytery and the parent synod to the extent of 
releasing the former from subjection to a foreign jurisdiction. 
As the opposing faction comprised men of influence in 
Philadelphia, it had been able to delay the passage of the law for 
several months ; and even after the measure had been enacted by a 
proportionate vote of three to one, this faction attempted in Novem- 

11 Statutes at Large of Pa., XII, 178-181. 

12 Ibid., 473-476. 

13 Ibid., XIII, 222-224. 


ber to induce the Legislature to repeal the act, although without 
success. While the question at issue was strictly sectarian in 
character, its political implications aroused general interest and dis 
cussion in the city. 14 

Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of PhUa., I, 442. 



Since the close of October, 1777, the estates of those who had 
gone within the British lines had been subject to confiscation by 
the commissioners of the various counties appointed "for the pur 
pose, and some estates had been seized. A register of these was 
kept by the secretary of the Supreme Executive Council, who was 
at length ordered by that body, April 12, 1779, to give notice that 
the realties of thirty-seven persons who were named and of others 
not named would be "speedily sold by public auction or vendue." 
Of those whose names were given, fourteen had been citizens 
of Philadelphia, including Joseph Galloway, Andrew Allen, William 
Allen, Jr., Jacob Duche, Samuel Shoemaker, and John Young, 
gentleman ; six had been inhabitants of the County of Philadelphia, 
including John Potts of Pottsgrove, Christopher Sauer, a printer of 
Germantown, and Henry Hugh Ferguson, Esq., of Graeme Park, 
late commissary of prisoners for General Howe; three of Bucks 
and Lancaster counties, respectively ; four of Chester County ; two 
of York County; one of Northampton County; two of Trenton, 
N. J., namely, Peter Campbell, gentleman, and Isaac Allen, attor 
ney at law, and Andrew Elliott, Esq., of New York City. 1 

During August and September, 1779, the Council found it 
necessary to postpone certain sales until after the next session of 
the Supreme Court of the State, in order that particular claims or 
liens upon the properties in question, or certain petitions relating 
thereto, might be passed upon. The first deed was issued under 
date of August 5th of the year just named. Early in the following 
March the Council adopted a resolution that the agents for confis 
cated estates proceed to the sale of all estates held by attainted 
persons by less than fee simple title, whether through right of 
marriage or otherwise, since such estates were proving burdensome 
to the State. Eight days later (i. e., on March 18th,) the Council 
appointed a standing committee from among its own members to 
fix the exact times of sales and of payment previous to the signing 

Ante, pp. 16, 92 ; Colon, Records of Pa., XI, 745. 



of any deed, because purchasers had been taking advantage of the 
depreciation of money by neglecting to comply with the conditions 
of sale, namely, to pay one-fourth of the purchase money in ten 
days, and the remainder in one month from the time of the sale 
"to the great injury of the State, and the embarrassment of the 
sales." 2 

During the nine months since sales of the confiscated estates 
had begun, they had not been numerous : from August 5 to Novem 
ber 29, 1779, inclusive, there had been but ten sales, three being 
of properties in Philadelphia, four in the county of the same name, 
one in the County of Chester, and two in the County of Northamp 
ton. Results during the first four months of 1780 were but little 
better, there being only twelve sales during this interval, namely, 
two of estates in Philadelphia, seven in the County of Philadel 
phia, and one each in the counties of Chester, Bucks, and Lan 
caster. The Council was not satisfied with this showing, especially 
in the two Philadelphia districts, where it looked as though cer 
tain marketable properties were being held back. On May 8, 1780, 
this dissatisfaction manifested itself in the form of instructions 
to the agents for the City and County of Philadelphia to proceed 
to the sale of all forfeited estates within their respective districts, 
giving due notice thereof according to law. Four days thereafter 
this order was extended to all the counties, any former order of 
the Council to the contrary notwithstanding. Sales then continued 
without official interruption until November llth, when they were 
suspended by action of the Council until further notice. However, 
deeds were again being issued to purchasers at the end of another 
fortnight. On February 21, 1781, all agents were requested to ren 
der a full return of all forfeited estates within their several coun 
ties, the names of attainted persons, their real property, the names 
of purchasers, and the prices at which sales had been made. Eight 
and a half months later a supplementary report was called for con 
cerning all forfeited estates remaining unsold and the interest held 
therein, whether in fee simple or otherwise, by the persons who 
had forfeited them. The only return recorded in the minutes of the 
Council under this request appears to have been that of Robert 
Smith, agent for the City of Philadelphia, who reported but three 
properties in his district. Sales were still in progress as late as 
December, 1790, up to which time properties of seventy-five per- 

2 Colon. Records of Pa., XII, 73, 76, 77, 80, 82, 103, 273, 281. 


sons had been disposed of, and 136 or more deeds had been issued. 
The names of the attainted owners appearing most frequently in 
the records of sales listed in the Council s minutes are those 
of Andrew Allen, Joseph Galloway, Samuel Shoemake, Christopher 
Sauer, Alexander Bartram, John Parrock, and John Rankin. 3 

A number of the confiscated estates, however, are not listed 
in the records of sales, for they were appropriated, as we have al 
ready seen, to serve as sources of endowment for the University 
of Pennsylvania. Two properties were similarly appropriated to 
be used as residences of State officials: thus, the house and lots of 
Joseph Galloway at the southeast corner of Sixth and Market 
streets were taken over by act of March 18, 1779, for the benefit 
of the president of the Supreme Executive Council, while the large 
mansion of the Reverend Jacob Duche at the northeast corner of 
Third and Pine streets became the domicile of Chief Justice Mc- 
Kean. Later the property of Mr. Galloway ceased to be occupied 
and fell rapidly into a state of decay. By act of April 6, 1786, 
therefore, the Legislature ordered the Executive Council to adver 
tise it for sale. 4 

In this connection certain cases of confiscation may be men 
tioned on account of their exceptional character. Proceedings 
against the estate of Raymond Keen, who presented himself be 
fore the chief justice within the time specified and was discharged 
from prosecution, were declared null and void on his petition to 
the Assembly. The special act relating to Keen s case restored to 
him such of his lands and tenements, rights, and credits as had 
not been sold by the Commissioners for the Sale of Forfeited Es 
tates. The estate of Henry Hugh Ferguson was transferred by 
legislative authorization of April 2, 1781, to his wife, Elizabeth 
Ferguson. A preliminary statement is needed to make clear the 
case of Thomas Gordon. Gordon was a minor in 1778, when he 
was placed by his mother on board a British vessel in the port of 
Philadelphia, against his own inclination. As he was still absent 
from the country on August 5, 1779, by which time he should have 
presented himself for trial under a proclamation of attainder, his 
estate was confiscated. Later he returned to Philadelphia and ap 
plied to the Assembly for the restoration of his property, and his 

Colon. Records of Pa., XII. 341, 347, 539, 634 ; XIII, 106, 141 ; XIV, 56, 657, 665 ; XV, 4, 
14, 43, 185, 193, 230, 468, 648; XVI, 283, 299, 309, 320, 387, 390, 422. 

4 Laws of Pa., II, 204 ; 236 ; Scharf and Westcott, Hist, of Phila., I, 396, n. 3. 


petition was granted by act of March 29, 1788. It was afterwards 
discovered, however, that the commissioners had disposed of his 
estate; and on September 27, 1791, the Assembly directed the 
comptroller general to give Gordon a certificate for the money re 
ceived by the State on account of the sale of his property, including 
interest at the rate of six percent from the date of sale. 5 

6 Laws of Pa., II, 216, 217, 287 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., I, 597 ; Statutes at 
Large of Pa., XIII, 67, 68; XIV, 140, 141. 



The first Loyalists so far as known to leave Philadelphia for 
England were Richard Penn and Judge Samuel Curwen, both of 
whom took their departure in 1775. The latter remained in the 
mother country until the end of July, 1784, when he sailed for 
Boston, Mass., where he arrived on the 25th of the following Sep 
tember. He spent the remainder of his days in his native land. Mr. 
Penn had been governor of Pennsylvania from 1771 to 1773, and 
had then served as a member of the Council and as a naval officer 
of the Colony under his brother, Governor John Penn ; but on re 
turning to England, he was entrusted with the second petition 
of Congress to the King. He died in Britain in 1811. It was re 
ported that the Reverend Jacob Duche sailed from Philadelphia in 
December, 1777. As he had acted for three months as chaplain to 
the first Continental Congress, he seems to have felt the need of 
conciliating his ecclesiastical superiors in England. In the spring 
of 1780 he was followed across the water by his wife and children, 
who sailed from New York. Mr. Duche returned to Philadelphia 
in 1790, after an exile of twelve years. He died eight years later. 
The fugitive governor of New Hampshire, John Wentworth, stopped 
at the Quaker City early in 1778 on his way to London, where he 
arrived according to Governor Hutchinson s Diary on March 
13th, after a passage of twenty-four days. A week later Mr. Hut- 
chinson records that he received a call from his fellow-exile who, 
we may add, had been granted an annual allowance of 500 twelve 
months before by the Lords of the Treasury. When General Howe 
left Philadelphia on his homeward voyage about the middle of 
May, 1778, it was stated in one of the newspapers that he was 
accompanied by some of the refugees. This was probably true. At 
any rate, there were a few Pennsylvanians in London in July, 1779, 
at which time they signed an address to the King. Among them 
were Thomas Bank, Peter Biggs, Charles Eddy of Philadelphia, 
Jabez Maud Fisher, William Harris, and John Johnson. Joseph 



Galloway sailed from New York for England with his only daugh 
ter in October, 1778, from which time he was paid, like Governor 
Wentworth, 500 per annum from the Treasury. 1 In London he 
told Governor Hutchinson, whose acquaintance he made early in 
the following December, that all Pennsylvania and New Jersey 
would have returned to their allegiance if the British army had 
not moved from Philadelphia, that they would still do so under a 
proper prosecution of the war, the past conduct of which he sweep- 
ingly condemned, and he expressed the opinion that the Middle 
Colonies were tired of the contest. On another occasion he men 
tioned to Hutchinson his having applied to General Howe, as soon 
as he had heard that Philadelphia was to be evacuated, to learn 
what was to become of the magistrates of the city, and said that 
Howe had advised them to make terms with General Washington 
under a flag of truce, but that Clinton had assured them that Amer 
ica would be vanquished and that their salaries should be continued 
to them. Galloway sought to convince the British authorities that 
less than one-fifth of his fellow-countrymen favored the Revolu 
tion, which had been strengthened by disarming and intimidating 
the Loyalists, that under adequate protection and assistance most 
of the people would openly support the royal government, and that 
more efficient measures would soon reduce America. In June, 1779, 
the House of Commons instituted an investigation into the Ameri 
can war, Mr. Galloway serving as one of the most important wit 
nesses. His testimony was so damaging and dealt so severely with 
the operations of the commanding officers in America that the in 
vestigation was dropped. But Mr. Galloway continued the agita 
tion through pamphlets and letters, the object of which was to 
convince the English people and government that the subjugation 
of America was not only feasible, but was also necessary for the 
maintenance of the British power in the world. When peace was 
made, another pamphlet was published by the distinguished refu 
gee from Philadelphia, in which he examined unsparingly that 
clause in the treaty which related to the Loyalists. As agent for 
this class of war sufferers, he rendered valuable service, his daugh 
ter declaring that "for twenty years his morning room was often 

1 Curwen s Journal and Letters, 414, 415 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., II, 164 ; 
I, 390 ; Fa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., II, 68-73 ; Diary and Letters of Thos. Hutchinson, II, 192, 
194; Rep. on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., I, 94; N. J. Arch., 2d Ser., II, 220; 
Sabine, Loyalists II, 164, 350, 388; I. 454; 2d Rep., Bur. of Arch., Ont., (1904), II, 1169 


crowded, and seldom empty of Americans who received from him 
his best services in their own affairs." Mr. Galloway died at Wat 
ford, Herts, England, August 29, 1803, in his seventy-first year. 2 

It would be interesting to know something of the arrival of the 
several thousands of refugees from Philadelphia at New York, and 
what public provision was made for them in a city to which large 
numbers of such people had been resorting since the summer of 
1776, when the British took possession of Staten and Long islands 
and of the neighboring metropolis. That special accommodations 
were necessary appears from the statement of David Mathews, 
the mayor of New York, who reported, August 25, 1783, that after 
the evacuation of Philadelphia and the second great fire in New 
York he was directed by General Clinton to proceed according to 
earlier orders for the purpose of providing for the distressed ref u- 
geees, namely, "to grant, without fee or reward, permission to erect 
temporary habitations on the vacant lots of persons residing with 
out the lines," Mr. Mathews adding that "the lots were held by the 
erectors of the tenements only during pleasure." 3 

Among those Pennsylvanians who, like Galloway, withdrew 
to England from New York were some who, together with many of 
their fellow-countrymen from other States, waited until the evacua 
tion of the metropolis was near at hand before doing so. A few 
among these were, on petition to the Treasury Board in London, 
granted financial support in substantial amounts. Thus, Samuel 
Shoemaker, Daniel Coxe, and John Potts, the former magistrates 
of police at Philadelphia, were given 200 a year each a little more 
than a year after their arrival in New York; and Arodi Thayer, 
who had been tide surveyor at Philadelphia, had his salary con 
tinued at the rate of 80 per annum. Inasmuch as the commander 
in chief was constantly being petitioned by Loyalist families in the 
city for relief in one form or another, especially from the spring 
of 1779 on to the fall of 1783, he constituted a committee or board 
consisting of Mr. Shoemaker, Colonel Beverley Robinson of New 
Jersey, and Robert Alexander of Maryland; and on October 2, 
1782, he ordered "that all memorials cognizable by the Board which 
assembles at Mr. Shoemaker s may be sent there and proceeded on 
without a reference from Head Quarters." It was added that the 

2 Diary and Letters of Thomas Hutchinson, II, 226, 259 ; Pa. Mag. of Hist, and Biog., 
XXVI, 438, 439. 

* Rep. on Am. Mas. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., IV, 308. 


people were to be sent there with their memorials. At the end of 
this year the quarterly allowances from September 30th which the 
Board recommended for various refugees totaled 1,075, or 1,410 
New York currency. Not only did Mr. Shoemaker serve as a mem 
ber of this board of relief, but he also interceded with the British 
admiral in behalf of Whig prisoners and was successful in having 
numbers of them liberated and sent home. At length, in August, 
1783, he sailed for England with his son Edward. Before doing 
so, however, he sent word to the vice-president of the Council of 
Pennsylvania, that he would cheerfully surrender the papers re 
lating to Philadelphia that were in his possession to any person 
authorized to receive them. While in London he was often con 
sulted by the Commissioners appointed to settle the claims advanced 
by Loyalists for the losses they had suffered. 4 If memorials and 
letters of recommendation from the commander in chief, Sir Guy 
Carleton, are an indication, not a few Pennsylvanians were prepar 
ing to follow Mr. Shoemaker to London in the autumn of 1783. 
Among these persons were Messrs. Potts and Coxe, who 
received letters of recommendation to Lord North bearing 
the date of November 13th. Another Tory who had been 
prominent in the life of Philadelphia, and who crossed the Atlantic 
after the peace, was James Humphreys, Jr., the former publisher 
of the Pennsylvania Ledger. However, he soon proceeded to Shel- 
burne, N. S., but returned to Philadelphia in 1797, where he en 
gaged in the printing and book publishing business until his death 
in February, 1810. His fellow-townsman, Isaac Hunt, who, after 
being carted through the streets of the Quaker City by a mob, fled 
to the West Indies and took church orders there, removed later to 
England and became a tutor in the family of the Duke of Chandos. 
Mr. Hunt was the brother-in-law of the artist, Benjamin West, 
and the father of James Henry Leigh Hunt, who died in 1859, af 
ter winning renown as a poet and miscellaneous writer. The dis 
tinguished Philadelphia physician, Phineas Bond, who was one of 
the founders of the University of Pennsylvania and a professor in 
that institution, also appears to have retired to the mother country 
for a few years; but in 1786 he was appointed British consul for 
the Middle States. After some hesitation on the part of Congress, 

* Rep. on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., II, 7 ; III, 125, 169, 136, 148, 221, 
294, 422; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., II, 301. 


he was received in his official capacity and continued as consul for 
many years. 5 


Aside from this notable group of Pennsylvanians and tem 
porary residents at Philadelphia who went to England, and for the 
most part remained there, a considerable number settled in Nova 
Scotia. Of these, many families found homes in the new Loyalist 
city of Shelburne. Sabine in his Loyalists of the American Revo 
lution gives the names of more than four score men from Penn 
sylvania, most of whom received town lots there by grant of the 
government, on which they settled with their families. These 
grantees included some successful merchants, chiefly from Phila 
delphia, who had sustained larger or smaller financial losses as the 
result of the war : as, for example, Alexander Bertram, whose for 
feiture was estimated at 5,000; William Briggs, who is said to 
have suffered to the extent of 3,000 ; Henry Guest, whose loss was 
placed at 1,000, and others, who had been injured in lesser 
amounts. Other men of prominence who took up their abodes at 
Shelburne were James Allen of Philadelphia, with his family of 
four persons; John Boyd, a surgeon from the Quaker City, and 
Benjamin Booth, one of its merchants, who acted as secretary of 
the loyal refugees in New York City in 1778. Lieutenant Colonel 
Abraham Van Buskirk with three other officers and a few privates 
of the 3d battalion of the New Jersey Volunteers settled in Shel 
burne, after leaving New York for that destination at the end of 
September, 1783. Colonel Van Buskirk was soon elected mayor of 
the town. 8 That many of these men remained in affluent circum 
stances, despite their losses, is indicated by the fact that they did 
not leave their servants behind in removing to Nova Scotia. Other 
places, such as Halifax, Annapolis, Digby, Rawdon, Granville, 
Argyle, and Ship Harbor, appear to have made but slight gains 
in population from Pennsylvania. Among those who located in 
Halifax was Dr. James Boggs, who had been a member of the med 
ical staff of the royal army during the Revolution, and was for 
many years after 1783 surgeon of the forces at the Nova Scotian 
capital. John Parrock returned from New York to Philadelphia 

6 Rep. on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., IV, 454, 435, 436, 446, 470 ; Sabine, 
Loyalists of the Am. Rev., I, 554, 555, 535 ; II, 472, 473, 482-485, 488, passim. 

6 Rep. on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., IV, 375, 376 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the 
Am. Rev., I, 235 ; II, 376 ; II, 482, 483. 


at the close of the war, but in March, 1786, sailed for Halifax with 
the purpose of engaging in the whaling business. 7 

Of the Tory regiments which had been formed in or near 
Philadelphia parts of two are known to have located in Nova 
Scotia, namely, the Philadelphia Light Dragoons and the British 
Legion. The Legion had been organized under General Sir Henry 
Clinton s orders by Colonels Lord Cathcart and Bannister Tarleton 
in May and June, 1778; and in the winter of 1781 it appears to 
have absorbed the Philadelphia Light Dragoons. At the close of 
April, 1782, the region was stationed at New Utrecht near Brook 
lyn, L. I. It then numbered 471 men, of whom more than two- 
thirds were cavalry. At the end of September, 1783, about eighty 
of these men were still at Brooklyn, the rest having embarked 
earlier in the same month with Major George Hanger for Halifax. 
Port Mouton in Queen s County, N. S., was allotted to the British 
Legion, and a number of houses were at once erected there ; but on 
the discovery in the following spring that the soil was barren and 
stony, the settlers began preparations for removal. They were in 
terrupted, however, by an accidental fire, which destroyed the town 
and reduced them to the verge of starvation. The authorities at 
Halifax promptly despatched a vessel laden with provisions, thus 
averting the threatened famine. Most of the members of this dis 
banded corps removed at once to Chedabucto Bay at the eastern 
end of Nova Scotia, where they founded the town of Guysborough. 8 


Although Nova Scotia proper must have received at the evac 
uation of New York City and the neighboring islands in 
the fall of 1783 at least 800 former residents of Pennsylvania, 
the Province of New Brunswick (which was created in 1784) 
probably gained the larger share of these people; for most, if not 
all, of the Loyalist regiments which contained Pennsylvanians were 
disbanded and given crown lands in New Brunswick; and one 
large association of Pennsylvania Quakers settled together at Penn- 
field on the north shore of the Bay of Fundy. Sabine, who had the 
use of the original agreement among the founders of Pennfield, 
asserts that it was formulated in 1782. Presumably, it was under 

7 Sec. Rep., Bur. of Archives, Out. (1904), Pt. I, 129, 195, 196, 517, 518, 669, 537, 564, 565, 

8 Rep. on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., IV, 349, 367, 375 ; Haliburton, Hist, 
of Nova Scotia, II, 148, 149. 


this agreement that a meeting of Quakers was held at the house of 
Joshua Knight, 36 Chatham Street, New York City, on 
July 5, 1783, in order to decide some matters of importance in con 
nection with their plans. At this meeting Samuel Fairlamb, John 
Rankin, and George Brown were appointed agents to locate lands 
for the association and to transact any business incident to the oc 
cupation of these lands. The agents soon submitted a memorial to 
Sir Guy Carleton asking the privilege of seeking lands for about 
sixty families on the River St. John, or elsewhere in that region 
where suitable ungranted lands might be had; and Carleton for 
warded this document under date of August 9th to Governor John 
Parr at Halifax. The site selected was at Beaver Harbor, which 
lies north of the island of Grand Manan; and by October the new 
settlement was already in existence. One hundred and forty-nine 
lots were included in the original grant. That incoming settlers 
rapidly joined the colony is shown by the statement of a writer 
who, shortly after its foundation, estimated the number of its in 
habitants at 800. According to an old plan in the British Museum, 
there were "fifteen streets and 950 lots in the town proper, with 
large tracts laid out in farm and garden lots beyond." The County 
of Charlotte, in which Pennfield was situated, was established June 
4, 1785; and the Parish of Pennfield was erected in the following 
year. It was agreed to build a small meeting house, July 7, 1786, 
on ground allotted for that purpose. We are told that a fire devas 
tated the town in 1787, which must have greatly increased the 
distress and want among the pioneers at Pennfield. About the time 
of the fire, however, partial relief was afforded through the efforts 
of two Quaker gentlemen from Philadelphia who had visited 
Beaver Harbor a twelvemonth before, and on their return home 
had raised a subscription with which they bought and shipped 240 
barrels of flour and Indian meal, together with some other neces 
saries, to be distributed among their destitute brethren. Possibly 
through the instrumentality of the same gentlemen donations were 
also received from persons in England during the winter of 1788- 
89. Whatever recovery Pennfield made from its first con 
flagration was wiped out by a forest fire in 1790, which left but one 
dwelling house standing. According to a recent writer, "a few of 
the inhabitants, including the family of Joshua Knight, remained 
or came back to rebuild their dwellings at or near the old sites"; 
but some of the settlers removed to Pennfield Ridge, others to 


Mace s Bay, and still others went elsewhere. In June, 1803, the 
population of the Parish of Pennfield, which continued to consist 
of Quakers principally, numbered only fifty-four. This little com 
munity occupied a good tract of land and lived chiefly by farming, 
although it sustained two saw-mills and had recently launched two 
vessels of 250 tons burden each. 9 

We may now turn to the settling of the enlisted men from 
Pennsylvania, together with their families, in New Brunswick. Af 
ter the cessation of hostilities the City of Philadelphia, which had 
been the scene of so much recruiting among the Tory residents and 
refugees during the British occupation, adopted the following reso 
lution : "That the people of this town will at all times, as they have 
ever done, to the utmost of their power oppose every enemy to the 
just rights and liberties of mankind: That after so wicked a con 
spiracy against those rights and liberties by certain ingrates, most 
of them natives of these States, and who have been refugees and 
declared traitors to their country, it is the opinion of this town 
that they ought never to be suffered to return, but be excluded from 
having lot or portion among us. And the Committee of Corre 
spondence is hereby requested to write to the several towns in this 
Commonwealth and desire them to come into the same or similar 
resolves if they shall think fit." The determination by the victori 
ous party to exclude the Loyalists illustrated by the above resolu 
tion, although it was not consistently enforced even in Philadelphia, 
was prevalent throughout most of the States, and was recognized 
by the officers of the Loyalist regiments at New York. 

These officers therefore submitted their case to Sir Guy Carle- 
ton in a letter dated March 14, 1783, saying that whatever stipula 
tions might be made at the peace for the restoration of the prop 
erty of the Loyalists and for their return home, yet, should the 
American States be severed from the British Empire, it would be 
impossible for those who had borne the King s arms to re 
main in the country. They maintained that the personal ani 
mosities arising from civil dissensions had been so heightened by 
the blood shed in the contest that the opposing parties could never 
be reconciled. They spoke of the personal sacrifices made by the 

Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. Rev., I, 607 ; Coll. N. B. Hist. Soc., No. 4, 73-80 ; Rep. on 
Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., IV, 269, 270 ; Winslow Papers, 490 ; Vroom, Courier 
Series, LXXII ; Ganong, Monograph of the Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 144, 158. 

For some of the Pennsylvania Quakers who settled at Pennfield, see Sabine s Loyalists 
of the Am. Rev., II, 514, 515, 525, 543, 550, 668, 569, 570, 579, 582, 583, 591, 592, 593, 597, 598. 


Loyalists ; of the anxiety they felt for the future of their wives and 
children ; of the fidelity of the troops ; and of the great number of 
men incapacitated by wounds, many of them with families who 
had seen better days. They therefore asked for grants of land 
in some of the royal American provinces and for assistance in 
forming settlements, in order that they and their children might 
enjoy the boon of British government. They also requested pen 
sions for such non-commissioned officers and men as had been 
disabled by wounds and for the widows and orphans of deceased 
officers and soldiers, besides permanent rank and half -pay for the 
officers on the reduction of their regiments. This letter was 
signed by the commanders of fourteen provincial regiments ; and its 
requests were all eventually complied with. 10 

Indeed, steps were taken within a month after the presenta 
tion of the letter looking to the location of the lands asked for by 
the officers, when several of the petitioners were themselves ap 
pointed agents to go to Nova Scotia for this purpose. These agents 
were Lieutenant Colonels Edward Winslow, Isaac Allen, Stephen 
DeLancey, and Major Thomas Barclay, who spent the spring and 
summer of 1783 in exploring the River St. John from St. Ann s 
Point (Fredericton) for about 100 miles upwards, completing their 
work and returning before the end of July. Winslow then secured 
authority at Halifax to lay out blocks of land for the several regi 
ments, in keeping with the suggestions of Sir Guy Carleton that 
the allotments should be by corps and as near to each other as pos 
sible, with the officers lands interspersed among those of the men 
so that the settlers might be united and ready for defense in case 
of an attack on the colony. These blocks were afterwards known 
as "the twelve mile tracts." 

In August, 1783, the royal instructions relative to the dis 
posal of the troops at New York arrived ; and on September 12th 
Carleton ordered Lieutenant Colonel Richard Hewlett of the 3d bat 
talion of DeLancey s Brigade to assume command of the principal 
British American regiments, which had already embarked nine 
days before at Brooklyn, having been encamped during 
the summer at Newtown, L. I., Hewlett was to accompany these 
troops, already considerably depleted through losses and depar 
tures with and without formal discharge, to the River St. John, 
and take the proper measures to get them promptly to the locations 

Raymond, The River St. John, 531-E 


assigned for their settlement. They sailed with a quantity of nec 
essary stores on the 15th, and on the day following, Brigadier Gen 
eral H. E. Fox and his military secretary, Edward Winslow, left 
for St. John to inspect the lands up the river and arrange for the 
reception of the regiments. According to the figures of the com 
missary general s office at New York, about 4,000 persons con 
nected with the Loyalist regiments sailed for the St. John up to 
October 12th. Not less than 5,000 had embarked for the same des 
tination earlier in the same year, and a small number went after 
the departure of the regiments, which arrived on September 27th. 
Three days later they disembarked and encamped above the Falls; 
and by October 13th they were disbanded for the most part, and 
were going up the river as fast as the scarcity of small craft on 
which they had to depend for conveyance would admit. In Decem 
ber the last of the transports from New York arrived, bringing a 
supply of clothing and provisions, in addition to her passengers, 
who were chiefly women and children. 11 

Soon after their coming, the regiments drew for their 
blocks of reserved land, which were shown and numbered on a 
plan of the river prepared by the surveyor general of Nova Scotia ; 
but as yet lots had not been surveyed for individual settlers. The 
tracts drawn by several of the regiments were too remote for their 
liking; the season was already far advanced, and the difficulty of 
transport was great. Hence, many of the disbanded officers and 
soldiers preferred to spend the winter at the mouth of the river, 
and not a few of them drew lots in the Lower Cove district of Parr- 
town (St. John), which was laid out for the refugees in December, 
1783. Both those who remained here and those who pushed on up 
the river, except a few of the latter who found shelter in the houses 
of the old inhabitants, were compelled to endure the severities of 
a bitter season in rude huts or in canvas tents thatched with spruce 
boughs and banked with snow. Needless to say, the women and 
children suffered most, and numbers of them did not survive 
through the winter. Among the Pennsylvanians, who were grantees 
of Parrtown, were Joseph Canby, John Chubb of Philadelphia, and 
Ross Currie, a lieutenant of the Pennsylvania Loyalists, who re 
ceived half pay and became one of the first practitioners of law in 
the new community; while Robert Stackhouse of Mount Bethel, 

11 Siebert, "The Refugee Loyalists of Connecticut" in Trans. Roy. Soc. of Canada, 1916, 
), 90; Raymond, The River St. John, 536, ff.; Winslow Papers, 131-133, 141. 


Pa., was a grantee of Carleton, another Loyalist town which sprang 
up on the west side of the river. Abraham Iredell, who had lived 
near Philadelphia and had been deputy surveyor in Northampton 
and Northumberland counties, Pa., settled in Parrtown, where 
he enjoyed half pay as a lieutenant of the Royal Guides and Pio 
neers, while serving as deputy surveyor of New Brunswick. Chris 
topher Sauer, 3d., a printer of Germantown, began the publication 
of the Royal Gazette in Parrtown and was deputy post master of the 
Province in 1792, but returned to the States seven years later and 
died at Baltimore, Md., in July, 1799. 12 

It will be remembered that the principal corps in which Penn- 
sylvanians enlisted were the Pennsylvania Loyalists, the Queen s 
Rangers, the Royal Guides and Pioneers, the New Jersey Vol 
unteers, and the Philadelphia Light Dragoons. Most of the men 
of these organizations, except the last ones, had come to New 
Brunswick with Colonel Hewlett ; and it remains for us to note the 
locations taken up by these regiments after their disbandment and 
some other items concerning them. The 1st and 3d battalions of 
the New Jersey Volunteers were among the Loyalist corps that 
preferred to remain at Parrtown and await new allotments of 
land, rather than ascend the river to the distant tracts at first as 
signed to them. Meantime, many of the men of the 3d battalion 
boarded schooners with their families for the winding and tedious 
voyage of nine or ten days to St. Ann s Point. As six inches of 
snow fell on November 2d, or about three weeks after their ar 
rival, not a few were caught by the cold weather without other 
shelter than their tents. Some, to be sure, had managed to erect 
rude huts for their protection, or to be received into the cabins 
of earlier settlers along the river ; but others took their tents into 
the depths of the forest and there set them up, where game and 
firewood abounded, and a poor kind of shelter was afforded by the 
thick woods. Nevertheless, the sufferings of these exiles were 
intense, and "the loyal Provincials Burial Ground" at Salamanca 
was frequented by mourners, although the dead were not infre 
quently buried near the snow-banked tents of the living. When 
mild weather came the refugees made good use of their axes and 
saws in felling trees for the erection of log houses, which were 

12 Raymond, "Early Days of Woodstock" in Th0 Dispatch of Woodstock, N. B.. Dec. 5, 
1906 ; See. Rep., Archives of Ont. t 1904, I, 198, 209, 237, 200 ; Sabine, Loyalists of the Am. 
Rev., II. 823; Jack. St. John: Prize Essay, 65. 


roofed with bark and lighted by small glass windows, while the 
fireplaces and chimneys were built of stone cemented with yellow 
clay. Among the houses erected at this time was that of Colonel 
Hewlett, who had lost his stores, tools, baggage, and other property 
to the value of 200 in the wreck of the Martha, one of the trans 
ports which had brought the Loyalist regiments to New Bruns 
wick. Spring came none too soon in this Northern wilderness, for 
the people at Salamanca were already running short of provisions ; 
but they were now able to supply themselves with pigeons, part 
ridges, moose, fish, and edible roots, and to supplement their scanty 
supply of vegetable food by the discovery of large patches of beans, 
which had been planted by earlier inhabitants of the region, prob 
ably by the French. 13 A few members of the 3d battalion, as 
already noted on a preceding page, went from New York to Shel- 
burne, N. S., and settled there. 14 

There was evidently a considerable number of the men of the 
3d New Jersey Volunteers still at Parrtown as late as January 17, 
1785, when Captain Samuel Ryerson of this battalion memorial 
ized Governor Thomas Carleton in behalf of his waiting comrades 
for lands in the unoccupied parts of Prince William Parish and of 
a reserve of 4,000 acres below the Pokiok, on account as he af 
firmed of the distance and sterility of soil of Block No. 12, which 
they had originally drawn. However, Ryerson s petition was not 
then complied with, although both the memorialists and the men 
of the 1st New Jersey Volunteers, who had drawn Block No. 14, 
eventually obtained more convenient locations in the counties of 
York, Sunbury, and Queens. The 2d New Jersey Volunteers got 
settled without the disheartening delays experienced by its sister 
battalions, for it fell heir to one of the desirable tracts, namely, 
Block No. 2, which became the Parish of Kingsclear in 1786, and 
lies only about twenty miles above Fredericton. It contained 
38,450 acres on the south side of the River St. John, and was 
granted under date of July 14, 1784, to Lieutenant Colonel Isaac 
Allen and 143 others of his battalion. Another grant of 14,050 
acres on the headwaters of the Kennebecasis was made to Colonel 
Allen and 94 others in the same month and year. In 1799 the first 
mentioned grant to Allen and his men was canceled in chancery, 

Raymond, The River St. John. 548-550. 

14 Rep. on the Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., IV, 375, 876 ; Sabine, Loyalists 
of the Am. Rev., II, 376. See ont p. 101. 


and a new and much smaller grant at Mactaquac on the north bank 
of the St. John was assigned him and others. 15 

Two days after the Loyalist troops arrived at the mouth of the 
River St. John a small party of the Royal Guides and Pioneers 
came ashore, September 29, 1783, one day in advance of the gen 
eral disembarkation. Presumably these men proceeded on their way 
up to St. Ann s Point on the 30th, for Colonel Hewlett wrote to 
Sir Guy Carleton at the time to that effect. They must therefore 
have shared in the hardships of the following winter. The rest of 
the Guides and Pioneers, except the company of Black Pioneers 
which embarked at New York in October, 1783, for Annapolis in 
Nova Scotia, remained at Parrtown. They drew Block No. 3 on the 
north side of St. John River above the Keswick, the mouth of which 
lay within their district. They took possession of their block in 
1784, being joined later by other Loyalists ; but it appears that their 
grant was not issued until November 7, 1787, and that it included 
what were known as Crock s Point and Burgoyne s Ferry. Some 
of the men of this corps also settled in Queensbury Parish along 
with the Queen s Rangers. Concerning the Black Pioneers, who 
had been attached to the corps of the Guides and Pioneers, Sir Guy 
Carleton s instructions to Brigadier General H. E. Fox were that 
Governor Parr should be asked to grant them a town lot and about 
twenty acres in the vicinage, in case they settled near a town like 
Shelburne, but that they be given a hundred acres in case they 
settled in the country as farmers. 16 The obvious intention of these 
instructions was that each member of the company should receive 
the amount of land mentioned. 

On April 15, 1783, Major R. Armstrong, in the absence of 
Lieutenant Colonel John Graves Simcoe, commander of the Queen s 
Rangers, who had returned to England, authorized Colonel Edward 
Winslow to locate lands and obtain grants for the 575 persons then 
connected with the corps, of whom 305 were privates, sixty women, 
and seventy children. During the interval of five months that 
elapsed before the Rangers sailed with the other regiments for 
New Brunswick, their numerical strength seems to have declined 

16 Raymond, "Early Days of Woodstock" in The Dispatch of Woodstock, N. B., Dec. 5. 
19, 26, 1906 ; Ganong, Monograph of Historic Sites in the Province of N. B., 340 ; Ganong, 
Monograph of the Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 143, 341, 343. 

16 Raymond, Winslow Papers, 137 ; Report on Am. Mss. in the Roy. Inst. of Gt. Brit., 
IV, 380, 49, 60, 420; Raymond, "Early Days of Woodstock" in The Dispatch of Woodstock. 
N. B., Dec. 6, 1906 ; Ganong, Monograph of the Origins of the Settlements in N. B., 112, 162 ; 
Ganonjf, Monograph on Historic Sites in the Province of N. B., 343. 


markedly. At Parrtown some of the Rangers drew lots and thus 
became grantees of the place; but the large majority, that is, more 
than two-thirds of those for whom Major Armstrong had requested 
grants, settled together on Block No. 5, or the Parish of Queens- 
bury, on the north side of the River St. John. James Brown and 
sixty-six other Queen s Rangers received a grant of 17,674 acres 
in Queensbury as late as January 30, 1787. 17 

The corps of the Pennsylvania Loyalists, which numbered 171 
men at the end of the year 1778, when it was sent with other troops 
to Pensacola to assist in the defense of West Florida against the 
Spaniards, had no more than sixty-eight men at the time of its re 
turn to New York in June, 1782. Between this date and the sum 
mer of 1784 nearly half of this number had scattered, for Thomas 
Knox, who took a census of the regiments on the River St. John 
during that summer, found but thirty-six men, fourteen women, 
eight children, and five servants belonging to the corps occupying 
their lands in Block No. 7, across the river from Woodstock. The 
presence of these settlers led to the establishment of the Parish of 
Northampton in 1786. On August 17th of the following year, Wil 
liam Burns and other Pennsylvania Loyalists received a grant of 
lands within the original block. The Parish of Southampton, which 
was also settled by members of the corps and their descendants, 
was not created until 1833. But not all of the men of the Penn 
sylvania Loyalists who came to New Brunswick settled in these 
parishes. The Reverend Doctor W. 0. Raymond tells us that they 
were to be found at various places within the Province. 18 

17 Siebert, "The Refugee Loyalists of Connecticut," in Trans. Roy. Soc. Can., 1916, 86, 91 ; 
Rev. W. O. Raymond s Notes on Winslow s Muster Rolls (unpublished) ; Raymond, "Early 
Days of Woodstock" in The Dispatch of Woodstock, N. B., Jan. 23, 1907 ; Raymond, The River 
St. John, 546 ; Ganong, Monograph of Historic Sites in the Province of N. B., 341. 

is Siebert "The Loyalists in West Florida and the Natchez District" in the Miss. Valley 
Hist. Rev., II, March, 1916, 473, 481 ; Raymond, Notes on Winslow s Muster Rolls (unpublished) ; 
Raymond, Winslow Papers, 215, 216; Ganong, Monograph of the Origins of the Settlements in 
N. B., 155, 173 ; Ganong, Monograph of Historic Sites in the Province of N. B., 343 ; Coll. 
N. B. Hist. Soc., No. 5 (1904), 209. 


ACADEMY in Philadelphia, 60; Friends, 86. 

Accessions of Loyalists to British Army, 
38-42; at Detroit, 14, 15. 

Alexander, Robert, 98. 

Admirality, court of, 72. 

Allegheny Mountains, 12. 

Allegheny River, 10. 

Allegiance to Pennsylvania, 56 ; to the King 
sworn by New Jersey farmers, 29 ; new test 
of, 33 ; failure to take oath of, 57 ; time ex 
tended for taking oath of, 59. 

Allen, Andrew, 27, 30, 38, 57, 59, 61, 92, 94. 

Allen, James, 27, 30, 31, 32, 85, 37, 40, 47, 48, 

Allen, John, 27, 30, 37, 57. 

Allen, Chief Justice William, 27. 

Allen, Lt Col. William, Jr., first battalion, 
Pennsylvania Loyalists, 30, 38, 40, 41, 57. 

Allen, Lt. Col. Isaac, of the second battalion, 
New Jersey Volunteers (Loyalist), 92, 104, 

Allentown (Pa,), 27, 30, 40. 

American Legion (Loyalist), 70. 

Amnesty, proclaimed by Gen. Sir William 
Howe, 29 ; act of, 71. 

Andre, Maj. John, 70. 

Andrews, Nicholas, 16. 

Annapolis (N. S.), 100, 108. 

Annuities for Loyalists, 96, 97, 98. 

Anderson, Stephen, 80. 

Armstrong, Maj., 109. 

Arnold, Gen. Benedict, 59, 68, 69 ; organizes 
the American Legion (Loyalist), 70; plots 
to steal journals of Congress, 79. 

Argyle (N. S.), 100. 

Arrest of Dr. John Connolly and others, 11 ; 
of 170 Loyalists, 16 ; of Governor John 
Penn, 29 ; of the disaffected ordered, 35 ; of 
specified persons, 36, 37 ; of proprietary and 
Crown officials, 37 ; of friends of rebellion, 
40 ; of militiamen, 71 ; of Joseph Stansbury, 

Aspden, Matthias, 58, 83, 84. 

Assembly of Pennsylvania, defines treason, 
19 ; gives powers to Committee of Safety, 
23 ; memorial to, 24 ; election of members 
of, 27 ; supplanted, 28 ; new, 29 ; adjourns 
to Lancaster, 39 ; Loyalist estates at dis 
position of, 56 ; further security provided 
for by, 59 ; endows University, 61 ; restores 
the college, 62 ; settles claims of Penn fam 
ily, 63 ; purchases Indian tract, 66 ; dis 
arms non-jurors, 70 ; passes act of amnesty, 
71 ; passes supplement to test laws, 72 ; me 
morial from Quakers to, 77 ; petitions to, 
79 ; seeks arrest of certain Loyalists, 80 ; 
urged to oppose return of refugees, 82 ; 

grants a pardon, 88 ; considers repeal of 
test laws, 87, 88 ; repeals test acts, 90 ; deal* 
with Presbyterian question, 90, 91 ; deals 
with Loyalist property, 94, 95. 

Attainder of traitors, 57, 58, 85. 

Auger, Frederick, 19. 

Austen, William, 59. 

BALL, Widow, 28. 

Bank, Thomas, 96. 

Barclay, Gilbert, 45. 

Barclay, Maj. Thomas, of the Loyal American 
Regiment, 104. 

Bartlett, John, 59. 

Bartow, Thomas, 27. 

Bartram, Alexander, 94. 

Beaver Harbor (N. B.), 102. 

Bedford County, (Pa.), 68, 72. 

Bender, Philip, 19, 20. 

Bergen, John, 23. 

Berks County (Pa.), 31, 72. 

Bartram, Alexander, 100. 

Bethlehem (Pa.), 32. 

Biddle, John, 57, 59. 

Biles, Samuel, 59. 

Black Pioneers (Loyalist), 108. 

Blane, Thomas, 45. 

Board of Property, 63. 

Boggs, Dr. James, 100. 

Bond, Phineas, 99. 

Boston (Mass.), 11, 23, 24. 

Boyd, John, 100. 

Brander, John, 45. 

Brant, Joseph, Mohawk chief, 20. 

Bray, John, 58. 

Briggs, John, 80. 

Briggs, William, 100. 

Brtish Army, expected attack by contingent 
of, 13 ; Washington and his army go to 
meet, 34 ; landing of, 35 ; invasion of 
Pennsylvania by, 38-55 ; accessions to, 38-43 ; 
proclamations by commander of, 40, 41 ; 
punishment for supplying produce to, 49 ; 
evacuation of Philadelphia by, 53 ; Loyal 
ists proclaimed as joining the, 58 ; prosecu 
tion of sympathizers with, 70 ; House of 
Commons investigates conduct of, 97. 

British Legion (Loyalist), 101. 

Brown, George, 102. 

Brown, James, 109. 

Brown, Lt. Col. Thomas, 18. 

Bucks County (Pa.), 26, 29, 41, 46, 48, 49, 
58, 72, 92, 93. 

Bucks County Volunteers (American), 49. 

Bulla, Thomas, 80. 

Burgoyne s Ferry (N. B.), 108. 

Burlington County (N. J.), 50. 




Burns, William, 109. 

Butler, Henry, 15. 

Butler, Col. John, of Butler s Rangers, 18, 

19, 20, 66. 

Butler, Gen. Richard, 66. 
Butler s Rangers (Loyalist), 14, 18, 20. 
Bunting, Joshua, 78. 
Buzzard, Frederick, 83. 

CALDWELL, Capt. William, 17, 18. 

Caldwell, William, 44. 

Cambridge (Mass.), 23. 

Cameron, Allen, 11, 25. 

Campbell, Capt. Donald, of the New Jersey 
Volunteers, 42. 

Campbell, Capt. Duncan, of the Royal High 
land Emigrants, 24. 

Campbell, Peter, 92. 

Canby, Joseph, 105. 

Carleton (N. B.), 106. 

Carleton, Gen. Sir Guy, 75, 99, 102, 103, 104, 

Carlisle (Pa.), 39. 

Carlisle, Abraham, 44, 69. 

Carrigues, Samuel, Sr., 59. 

Cassedy, alias Thompson, William, 70. 

Castle, Joseph, 78. 

Cathcart, Col. Lord, 101. 

Cayford, Capt. Richard, of the New Jersey 
Volunteers, 42. 

Censors, Council of, 61. 

Chalmers, Lt. Col. James, of the Maryland 
Loyalists, 41. 

Charitable school in Philadelphia, 60. 

Charlotte County (N. B.), 102. 

Charter of William Penn "construed," 63, 64. 

Chedabucto Bay (N. S.), 101. 

Chesapeake Bay, 12, 35. 

Chester County (Pa). 38, 41, 44, 56, 58, 92, 93. 

Chew, Benjamin, chief justice of Pennsyl 
vania, 37, 87. 

Chubb, John, 105. 

Clifford, Thomas, 86. 

Clifton, Lt. Col. Alfred, of the Roman Cath 
olic Volunteers, 41, 59. 

Clifton, William, 59. 

Clinton, Gen. Sir Henry, takes command at 
Philadelphia, 51 ; sends Loyalist families to 
New York, 53 ; in correspondence with 
Benedict Arnold, 69 ; permits refugees to 
build on vacant lots in New York, 98 ; or 
ders formation of British Legion, 101. 

Colchester Township (Ont.), 17. 

Golden, Capt. Thomas, of the New Jersey 
Volunteers, 42. 

College in Philadelphia, 57, 60. 

Colonies, Southern, 10, 42. 

Committee of Correspondence (Pa.), 23, 103. 
West Augusta County (Va.), 10. 

Committee of Inspection, Philadelphia, 23, 25, 

Committee of Safety, Philadelphia, 11, 23, 24, 
25, 28 ; other committees, 24, 28. 

Committee of Secrecy, Philadelphia, 28, 31. 

Confiscation of Loyalist property, 66, 57, 84, 

Conn, William, 23. 

Connolly, Dr. John, Lt. Col. of the Loyal For 
esters and in the Queen s Rangers, 9-13, 15, 
16, 25. 

Constitutional Convention (Pa.), 28. 

Continental army, deserters from, 43 ; new 
levies join, 32 ; provisions for, 56 ; arms 
and supplies for, 57 ; goes to meet British, 
84 ; fights battle of Monmouth Court House, 

Continental Board of War, 74. 

Continental Congress, commissioners of, 11 ; 
mentioned, 12 ; views of the projects of, 23 ; 
Tory opinion of its measures, 26 ; action 
against non-associators, 28 ; complains of 
disloyalty, 31 ; petition to, 32 ; resolution of, 
35 ; recommends arrests, 35 ; adjourns to 
Lancaster, 39 ; Quakers sent to, 46 ; per 
mits to be issued by, 59 ; relinquishes claim 
to Indian tract, 66 ; directs that order be 
maintained in Philadelphia, 68 ; orders 
court-martial of Benedict Arnold, 69 ; Tory 
plot to steal journals of, 79 ; Rev. Jacob 
Duche first chaplain of, 96. 

Coombs, Rev. Thomas, 36. 

Cooper, Dr. William, 76. 

Cornwallis, Lord, 36. 

Coshocton (O.), 14. 

Council of Censors, 61. 

Council of Safety ( Pa.) , chosen, 29 ; decides 
to confine suspects, 29 ; James Allen before, 
30 ; offenders sentenced by, 50 ; its powers 
terminated, 57 ; deals with adherents of 
Crown, 58. 

Court-martial, 68, 69. 

Cowperthwait, Joseph, sheriff, 23. 

Cox, Isaac, 45. 

Coxe, Daniel, 44, 98, 99. 

Craig, James, 48. 

Crock s Point (N. B.), 108. 

Crown officials arrested, 37. 

Cumberland County (Pa.), 13, 42, 49, 72. 

Cunard, Robert, 84. 

Currency, counterfeit, 50, 76. 

Currie, Ross, 59, 105. 

Curwen, Judge Samuel, 23, 96. 

DAWSON, David, 77. 
Declaration of Independence, 29, 63. 
DeLancey, Lt. Col. Stephen, of the first bat 
talion, New Jersey Volunteers, 104. 
Delaware, 31, 38. 
Delaware River, 19, 20, 50, 89. 
DeNormandie, Andrew, 59. 
Depue, John, of Butler s Rangers, 19, 20, 21. 
Deserters, 41. 



Deshong, Peter, 69. 

Destinations of Loyalists, 17, 24, 76, 81, 88, 

84, 87, 96-109. 

Detroit (Mich), 10, 11, 14, 15, 17, 89. 
Detroit River, 17. 
Digby (N. S.), 100. 
Disabilities, 32, 59, 61, 88, 89, 90. 
Doane, Aaron, 81. 
Doane, Abraham, 81. 
Doane, Joseph, Sr. and Jr., 81. 
Doane, Mahlon, 81. 
Doane, Moses, 81. 
Dobson, Isaac, 20. 
Drinker, Henry, 35. 
Drinker, Mrs. Henry, 39, 52. 
Drummond, Dr. George, 37. 
Duche, Rev. Jacob, 57, 59, 87, 92, 96. 
Duche, Mrs. Jacob, 73. 
Dunkards, 24. 
Du Simitiere, Pierre, 54. 

Dunmore, Lord, governor of Virginia, 10, 11. 
Dunmore, Fort (Pa.), see Pitt, Fort and 

Dunmore s War, 9, 15. 

EASTON (Pa.), 39, 40. 

Eddy, Charles, 96. 

Eve, Oswald, 58. 

Election of April, 1776, 27. 

Elk River (W. Va.), 11. 

Elliott, Andrew, 92. 

Elliott, Matthew, 14, 17. 

Embarkation of Loyalist regiments for River 
St. John, 105. 

Emigration of Loyalists, 12, 17, 21, 23, 37, 74, 
75, 83, 84, 85, 87, 96-109. 

England, 12, 13, 23, 24, 52, 96-100. 

Erie, Fort (N. Y.), 21. 

Escape of Loyalists, from Pittsburgh, 14 ; 
from the Susquehanna country, 20. 

Estates of refugees, to be seized, 56 ; confis 
cation of, 57, 84; sale of, 92-95. 

Europe, 75. 

Evans, Abel, 59. 

Ewing, James, 12. 

Executions of Tories. 16, 68, 69, 77, 78, 81. 

FAIRLAMB, Samuel, 102. 
Fegan, Mrs. Elizabeth, 73. 
Ferguson, Henry Hugh, 45, 92, 94. 
Ferree, John, 39. 
Festivities in Philadelphia, 51. 
Fincastle, Fort (Pa.), 10. 
Fisher, Jabez Maud, 96. 
Fisher, Joshua, 35. 
Fisher, Samuel, 35. 
Fisher, Thomas, 35. 
Fleet, British, 53. 
Fleming, James, 15, 16. 
Flushing Fly (L. I.), 54. 

Fox, Brig. Gen. H. E., of the second bat 
talion, British Grenadiers, 105, 108. 

Fox, Joseph, 36, 68. 

Fourth and Fifth Townships (Ont.), 21. 

Foutz, Christian, 57, 59. 

Franklin, Benjamin, 23. 

Franks, David Solesbury, 71. 

Frederick County (Va.), 37. 

Fredericktown (Va.), 11. 

Friends, see Quakers. 

Friends Academy in Philadelphia, 8. 

GADDIS, Col. Thomas, 13. 

Gage, Thomas, governor of Massachusetts 
and commander of British army, 10. 

Galloway, Joseph, joins Howe in New Jer 
sey, 30 ; accompanies British to Philadelphia, 
40 ; on enlistments, 42 ; census of Phila 
delphia by, 42 ; adviser to Howe, 43 ; other 
duties of, 44, 45 ; confiscation of estate, 
57, 59 ; pardon refused to, 85, 86 ; sale of 
estate of, 92, 94 ; sails for England, 97 ; 
services to fellow refugees, 97 ; death of, 

Gates, Gen. Horatio, 15. 

Gibson, Hon. John, 66. 

George III., 10, 58, 89. 

Germantown (Pa.), 12, 40; battle of, 46; dam 
aged by British, 55 ; sale of estate of in 
habitant of, 92. 

Gilpin, Thomas, 45. 

Girty, George, 15, 17. 

Girty, James, 14, 15. 

Girty, Simon, 14. 

Gordon, Thomas, 84, 94. 

Gosfield Township (Ont), 17. 

Granville (N. S.), 100. 

Graves, Adam, 15. 

Graves, John George, 15. 

Greswold ("Grizzle"), Edward, 78. 

Guest, Henry, 100. 

Guysborough (N. S.), 101. 

HAGERSTOWN (Md.). 11. 

Halifax (N. S.), 17, 75, 84, 87, 100, 101. 

Hamilton, Henry, lieut. governor of Detroit, 

Hamilton, William, 74. 

Hand, Brig. Gen. Edward, 15. 

Hanger, Maj. George, 44. 

Harding, George, 44. 

Hardy, George, 70. 

Harris, William, 96. 

Hart, Charmless, 58. 

Hart, John, 44, 58. 

Harvey, Abraham, 76. 

Heinrichs, Capt. Johann, 52. 

Hessians, 39, 52. 

Hewlett, Lt. Col. Richard, of the third bat 
talion, DeLancey s Brigade (Loyalist), 104, 
106, 107. 

Hicks, Gilbert, 29, 57. 

Higgins, John, 14. 



History of Pennsylvania, by Robert Proud, 87. 

Hog Island (Pa.), 39. 

Hovenden, Capt Richard, of the Philadelphia 
Light Dragoons, 41, 49. 

Hover, Casper, 20. 

Howe, Gen. Sir William, expedition to Phil- 
adelphia, 11, 38, 40, 42, 43, 48; invasion of 
New Jersey, 29 ; comparison of strength 
of Washington and, 48 ; embarks for Eng 
land, 51 ; accompanied by Loyalists, 96 ; 
advises Loyalists to make terms with 
Washington, 97. 

Huff, John, 26. 

Humphreys, James, Jr., 99. 

Hunt, Isaac, 23, 24, 99. 

Hunt, James Henry Leigh, 99. 

Hunt, John, 36. 

Hunterdon County (N. J.), 27. 

Hutchinson, Thomas, governor of Massachu 
setts, quoted, 96, 97. 

ILLICIT trade, 78, 80. 

Indians, 9 ; councils of, 10 ; as auxiliaries, 12 ; 
Ohio villages of, 14 ; at Detroit, 15 ; Ottawa, 
17 ; purchase of tract of, 66, 67 ; raids of, 

Ingersoll, Jared, 37. 

Inimical persons, 71, 73, 76. 

Iredell, Abraham. 59, 106. 

Ireland, 74, 75. 

JACKSON, John, 80. 
James, Abel, 35, 58. 
James, Capt. Jacob, of the Philadelphia Light 

Dragoons, 41, 78. 
James River (Va.), 12, 16. 
Johnson, Gen., 16. 
Johnson, John, 96. 
Johnston, Tryon County, (N. Y.), 19. 

KASKASIA (111.), 11, 15. 

Kearsley, Dr. John, Jr., 23, 24, 59. 

Keen, Raymond, 94. 

Keene, Reynold, 48, 57. 

Kelly, Hugh, 15, 16, 17. 

Kennebecasis River (N. B.), 107. 

Kensington (Pa.), 48, 49. 

Kentner, George, 20. 

Kidd, Alexander, 41. 

King s Bridge (N. Y.), 54. 

Kingsclear Parish (N. B.), 107. 

Kirkland, Col. Moses, of the South Carolina 

Rangers (Loyalist), 25. 
Knight, Joshua, 102. 
Knox, Thomas, 109. 
Kribel, Rev. George, 32. 
Kugler, John, 76. 
Kugler, Susanna, 76. 

LACEY, Sub-lieut., later Brig. Gen. John, 34, 

Lafayette, Gen., 51. 

Lancaster (Pa.), 39. 

Lancaster County (Pa.), 89, 46, 72, 92, 98. 

Land, Robert, 59. 

Land bounties for Loyalist refugees, 21, 41, 
56, 101-109. 

Land Office (Pa,), 68. 

Lane, Henry, 76. 

Lee, Gen. Charles, 52. 

Lee, Joseph, 23. 

Legislature, see Assembly. 

Leslie, Gen., 16. 

Levy, Mordecai, 23. 

Lewis, Curtis, 38. 

Lewis, James, 13. 

Lexington, battle of, 22. 

Leyburn, George, 45. 

Lindon, Hugh, 58. 

Livingston, William, governor of New Jer 
sey, 50, 75. 

Logan, Deborah, 54. 

London (Eng.), 23. 

Long Island (N. Y.), 74, 98, 104. 

Loosley, Thomas, 23. 

Losses of Loyalists, 54, 100. 

Loyal Association Club, 51. 

Loyal Foresters (Tory corps), 12, 13. 

Loyalists, on the upper Ohio, 13, 14 ; at De 
troit, 15, 16 ; in northeastern Pennsylvania, 
19 ; in Niagara peninsula, 21 ; in Philadel 
phia, 23 ; from New Jersey, 24 ; of Bucks 
County, (Pa.), 26; in election of April, 1776, 
27; clubs of, 28, 51; activities of, 28; con 
duct of, after July 4, 1776, 29 ; persecution 
of, 30 ; released on bond, 31 ; Moravian, 32 ; 
influenced by Washington s army, 34 ; ar 
rest of prominent, 37 ; join British, 38 ; re 
main in Philadelphia, 89 ; flock within Brit 
ish lines, 40 ; form regiments, 41-43 ; as 
civil officials, 44 ; open shops, 45 ; dependent 
condition of many, 47, 48 ; patrol roads, 47 ; 
ordered to raise produce, 48 ; passing in and 
out of city, 49 ; distress of, 50 ; several 
thousands leave with the British, 53 ; suffer 
losses, 54 ; University endowed with estates 
of, 60 ; many remain after evacuation of 
Philadelphia, 69, 72 ; eviction of wives 
of, 73 ; opposition to presence of, 76, 
81, 82 ; pardoned, 77, 78 ; subjected to test 
act in 1786, 89; sale of estates of, 92-95; 
arrive at New York, 98 ; settle in England, 
Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick, 96-109. 

Loyalist regiments : 
American Legion, 70 ; 
British Legion, 101; 
Bucks County Light Dragoons, 41, 42, 54, 


Butler s Rangers, 14, 18, 19, 20; 
Loyal Foresters, 12, 13 ; 
Maryland Royal Retliators (in process of 

formation) , 16 ; 
Maryland Loyalists, 41, 54; 



New Jersey Volunteers, 31, 42. 49, 106, 107 ; 
New York Volunteers, 12 ; 
Pennsylvania Loyalists, 41, 54, 106, 109 ; 
Philadelphia Light Dragoons. 41, 48, 49, 54, 

78, 101, 106; 
Queen s Rangers, 11, 17, 41, 42, 48, 49, 53. 

54, 106, 108, 109; 

Roman Catholic Volunteers, 41, 64; 
Royal Guides and Volunteers, 41, 54 ; 
Volunteers of Ireland, 42, 53, 54 ; 
West Jersey Volunteers, 42, 53. 

MCDONALD, coi. Allen, 25. 

McDonald, Capt. Alexander, 38. 

McDonald, Gen. Donald, of the North Caro 
lina Highlanders (Loyalists), 25. 

McLeod, Capt. Norman, 42. 

Maryland Royal Retaliators, 16. 

Matthews, Maj. David, 98. 

Mendenhall, Thomas, 74. 

Menonists, 24. 

Meschianza, 51. 

Mitflin, Thomas, 61. 

Militia, 9, 10, 81, 32, 70, 71, 72, 81, 82. 

Militia bill, 32, 33. 

Millard, Thomas, 61. 

Mississippi River, 11. 

Mob violence, 71. 

Mohawk valley (N. Y.), 19. 

Molesworth. James, 31. 

Monmouth Court House (N. J.), battle of, 63. 

Monongalia County (Va.), 13. 

Montreal (Ont.), 21. 

Moody, Lieut. James, of the first battalion, 
New Jersey Volunteers, 79. 

Moody, John, 79, 80. 

Moravians, 32. 

Morgan, Col. Zackwell, 13. 

Moorestown (N. J.), 74. 

Morris, Robert, 40 ; quoted, 54. 

Morton, Robert, 40 ; quoted, 64. 

Murell, Joseph, 44. 

Murray, Lieut. James, of the Queen s Rangers, 
11, 42. 

Muskingum (O.), 66. 

NEW BRUNSWICK, province of, migration 
of Loyalists to, 101-109. 

New Englanders, resorting to Philadelphia, 23. 

New Jersey, Loyalists from, 24, 44, 47 ; Whig 
associators sent into, 29 ; Loyalists flee into, 
30 ; prisoners from, 31 ; Loyalist corps raised 
in, 42 ; foraging expedition into, 49 ; inter 
course between Philadelphia and, 65 ; in 
vaded by British, 29, 77. 

Newburyport (Mass.), 75. 

New Jersey Gazette, 78. 

New Jersey Volunteers (Loyalist), 31, 42, 49, 
106, 107. 

Newspapers (Loyalist) in Philadelphia, 46, 
47, 58, 68, 99. 

Newton (L. I.), 104. 

New Utrecht (L. L), 54. 101. 

New York City, Dr. Connolly goes to, 12; 
refugees in, 16 ; enlisted men on their way 
to, 24 ; Loyalist escapes to, 25 ; Volunteers 
of Ireland in, 63 ; letters to and from, 74 ; 
illicit trade with, 78 ; sale of estate of in 
habitant of, 92 ; board of relief in, 98, 99 ; 
vacant lots for refugees in, 98 ; evacuation 
of, 100, 101, 105. 

New York State, 19, 58. 

New York Volunteers (Loyalist), 12. 

Niagara, Fort (N. Y.), 14, 18, 19, 20, 66, 89. 

Niagara peninsula, Loyalists in, 21. 

Non-associators, 27, 28, 32. 

Non-jurors, 49, 57, 59, 70, 76, 87, 88, 89. 

Norfolk, (Va.), 10. 

Northampton County (Pa.), 27, 32, 46, 68. 72, 

Northampton Parish (N. B.), 109. 

North Carolina, 12, 25, 30, 92, 93. 

Northumberland County (Pa.), 72. 

Nova Scotia, province of, 14, 17, 75, 84, 100. 

OBERLLN, John Francis, 32. 

Office of Enquiry, 76. 

Ohio, escape of Loyalists through, 14. 

Ohio River, 10, 13, 16. 

Old Chillicothe (O.). 14. 

Ontario, Lake, 20. 

Oram, James, 41. 

Ordinances, 28, 29, 66, 67. 

Oswego (N. Y.), 20. 

Ottawa Indians (Ont.), 17. 

Oyer and Terminer, court of, 71. 

PARDON of Loyalists, 77, 78, 83-91. 

Parliament, Joseph Galloway s testimony be 
fore, 42. 

Parr, John, governor of Nova Scotia, 76, 102, 

Parrtown (St. John, N. B.), 105, 106, 108, 

Passports, 74, 75. 

Patriotic Society of Philadelphia, 69. 

Paxton, Phineas, 77. 

Peace commissioners, 62. 

Pemberton, Israel, 35. 

Pemberton, James, 35. 

Penn, John, governor of Pennsylvania, 28 ; 
deposed, 29, 62 ; paroled, 37 ; claims of, 63- 
65 ; goes to New York, 75, 87 ; mentioned, 

Penn, Mrs. John, 47, 87. 

Penn, Richard, 69, 96. 

Penn, Thomas, 64. 

Pennfield (N. B.), 85, 101-103. 

Pennsylvania, see contents. 

Pennsylvania Loyalists (Tory corps), 41, 64, 
106, 109. 



Pennsylvania Evening Post, 46, 47, 68. 
Pennsylvania Gazette, 46, 68. 
Pennsylvania Ledger, 46, 47, 99. 
Pensacola (W. Fla.), 109. 
Pensions asked for Loyalists, 104. 
Persecutions of Loyalists, 22, 23, 30, 47 ; of 
Moravians, 32, 33 ; of citizens of Philadel 
phia, 55. 

Philadelphia, British in possession of, 12 ; 
persecutions in, 22 ; Loyalists in, 23-25, 27, 
34, 43, 46, 52, 70; the Aliens leave, 27; 
Tory clubs in, 27 ; fears British invasion, 
30 ; Howe s expedition to, 35-40 ; officials 
arrested, 37 ; stripped of its lead, etc., 39 ; 
Tory administration in, 43 ; Tory enlist 
ments in, 42, 58 ; asylum for Loyalists, 46 ; 
intercourse with, 48-50 ; festivities in, 51 ; 
British and Loyalists evacuate, 52, 53, 58 ; 
damages to, 54, 55, 68 ; Gen. Benedict Ar 
nold commandant of, 68 ; Toryism in, 70 ; 
disapproves abolition of test laws, 88 ; sale 
of Loyalist estates in, 92, 93 ; magistrates 
of, 98; settlers at Shelburne (N. S.), 100; 
regiments locate in Nova Scotia, 101 ; 
visitors at Pennfield, 102 ; opposes return of 
Loyalists, 103 ; mentioned, 105. 

Philadelphia County (Pa.), 24. 

Philadelphia Light Dragoons (Loyalist), 41, 
48, 49, 54, 78, 101, 106. 

Pickard, William, 14, 20. 

Pike, Thomas, 36. 

Pitt, Fort (Pa.), 9, 10, 15. 

Pittsburgh (Pa.), 10, 14, 15, 16, 89. 

Pitt, William, 65. 

Pleasants, Samuel, 35. 

Plots, Tory, 10, 11, 13, 15, 79. 

Port Mouton (N. S.), 101. 

Potts, John, 44, 57, 84, 92, 98, 99. 

Pottsgrove (Pa.), 46, 92. 

Prince William Parish (N. B.), 107. 

Pritchard, Joseph, 70. 

Privateers, 79. 

Proclamations, 9, 29, 38, 40, 41, 48, 58, 68, 78, 
80, 81. 

Proprietary officials, ignored, 29 ; arrest of, 37. 

Proud, Robert, 35, 39, 86. 

Provincials Burial Ground at Salamanca 
(N. B.), 107. 

"QUAKER Blues," 23. 

Quakers, meetings for sufferings of, 22 ; me 
morial of, 24 ; testimony of yearly meeting 
of, 25; in election of April, 1776, 27; re 
main in Philadelphia, 30, 35, 39, 43; 
changed attitude of, 34 ; testimonies against 
war, 46 ; a disturbing element, 75 ; seizure 
of horses of, 77; settle at Pennfield (N. B.), 
85, 101-103. 

Queens County (N. B.), 107. 

Queens County (N. S.), 101. 

Queensbury Parish (N. B.), 108, 109. 

Queen s Rangers (Loyalist), 11, 17, 41, 42, 48, 

49, 54, 78, 101, 106, 108, 109. 
Quinte, Bay of, 31. 

RANKIN, James, 39, 57. 

Rankin, John, 85, 94, 102. 

Raymond, Rev. W. O., 109. 

Rawdon, Col. Lord, of the Volunteers of Ire 
land, 42. 

Rawdon (N. S.), 100. 

Reading (Pa.), 40. 

Redstone Old Fort (Pa.), 13, 15. 

Redwood, William, 45. 

Reed, Joseph, 71. 

Reprisals upon the Loyalists, 56-67. 

Repression of Loyalists in southeastern Penn 
sylvania, 38-54. 

Reynolds, James, 44. 

Rittenhouse, David, 35. 

Robb, William, 45. 

Roberts, George, 44. 

Roberts, John, 85, 94, 102. 

Robertson, Alexander, 14. 

Robertson, James, 68. 

Robinson, Col. Beverly, of the Loyal American 
Regiment and of the Royal Guides and Pio 
neers, 98. 

Ross, George, 86. 

Ross, Malcolm, 58. 

Royal Gazette (Parrtown, N. B.), 106. 

Royal Guides and Pioneers (Loyalist), 41, 42, 
54, 106, 108. 

Royal Highland Emigrants (Loyalist), 24. 

Ryerson, Capt. Samuel, of the third battalion, 
New Jersey Volunteers (Loyalist), 107. 

ST. ANN S Point (Fredericton, N. B.), 106, 


St. Eustatia, island of, 74, 75. 
St. John (N. B.), see Parrtown. 
St. John River (N. B.), 102, 104, 105-109. 
St. Lawrence River, 21. 
St. Leger s expedition, 20. 
Sabine, Lorenzo, Loyalists of the American 

Revolution, quoted, 65, 100, 101. 
Sale of forfeited Tory estates, 92-95. 
Salem (Mass), 23. 
Sandford, Capt. Thomas, of the Bucks County 

Light Dragoons, 41, 68. 

Sauer, Christopher, Jr., 87, 92, 94 ; 3d., 106. 
Scioto River (O.), 14. 
Schuylkill River (Pa.), 40, 51. 
Scotch Presbyterian congregations, 90. 
Scotchmen in Philadelphia, 45. 
Scott, James, 76. 

Settlements (Loyalist), 17, 20, 21, 96-109. 
Shaw, John, 78. 

Shelburne (N. S.), 99, 100, 107. 
Shelley, Daniel, 39. 
Shewell, Stephen, 48. 
Ship Harbor (N. S.), 100. 



Shippen, Edward, chief justice of Pennsyl 
vania, 70, 86. 

Shoemaker, Samuel, 36, 44, 53, 57, 59, 92. 94. 
Shoemaker, Mrs. Samuel, 73. 
Shrewsbury (N. J.), 29, 78. 
Simcoe, Lt. Col. John Graves, of the Queen s 

Rangers, 17, 53, 108. 
Skinner, Brig. Gen. Cortlandt, of the New 

Jersey Volunteers (Loyalist), 34. 
Smith, Andrew, 43. 
Smith, John, 59. 
Smith, Thomas, 26. 
Smith, Rev. William, D.D., 36, 67, 61. 
Smyth, Dr. J. F. D., 11, 25 ; captain in Queen s 

Rangers, 11, 42. 
Somerset County (Md.), 16. 
Snider, Elias, 34. 
Snider, Peter, 34. 
Southampton Parish (N. B.), 109. 
South Carolina, 25. 

South Street Theatre, Philadelphia, 51. 
Spangler, George, 68. 
Sparks, James, 44. 
Sproat, David, 58. 
Stackhouse, Robert, 105. 
Stansbury, Joseph, 31, 44, 45, 48, 74, 78. 
Stanwix, Fort (N. Y.), 20. 
Staten Island (N. Y.), 34, 42, 53, 54, 98. 
Stedman, Charles, Jr., 59. 
Steelman, James, 78. 

Stephenson, Capt., of the Queen s Rangers, 53. 
Stiff, James, 34. 

Stockton, Maj. R. V., of the New Jersey Vol 
unteers (Loyalist), 31. 
Story, Enoch, 43, 44, 53, 58. 
Story, Thomas, 58. 
Sunbury County (N. B.), 107. 
Supreme Court, 72, 92. 

Supreme Executive Council, 29, 35, 37, 39, 46, 
50, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 
71, 72, 73, 74, 76, 77, 79, 80, 82, 84, 85, 92, 
93, 94. 

Surphlitt Robert, 14. 
Susquehanna River, 12, 19, 20, 89. 
Swanwick, Joseph, 59. 

Symes, Lieut James S., of the Royal High 
land Emigrants, 24. 

TARLETON, Lt. Col. Bannister, of the British 

Legion (Loyalist), 101. 

Test acts, 32, 33, 49, 50, 59, 72, 87, 88, 89, 90. 
Thayer, Arodi, 98. 
Thomas, Arthur, 25, 85. 
Thomas, Capt. Evan, 49. 
Thomas, Michael, 20. 
Tilghman, Francis, 45. 
Tilghman, James, 37. 
Traitors, found guilty as, 16 ; attainder of, 

57 ; debtors of, 58 ; proclamation of, 58. 
Treason act, 19, 29, 32. 
Trenton (N. J.), 29, 30, 34, 68. 92. 

Tryon County (N. Y.), 19. 
Turner, Edward, 20. 

UNION Iron Works (N. J.), 27, 30, 37. 
University of Pennsylvania, 60-62, 99. 
Upper Makefield (Pa.), 26. 

VAN BUSKIRK, Lt. Col. Abraham, 100. 

Vanderlip, William, 20. 

Van Dyke, Lt. Col. John, of the West Jersey 

Volunteers, 42. 
Varnum, Frederick, 68. 
Verner, Frederick, 68. 
Vernon, Gideon, 38, 44, 80. 
Vernon, Nathaniel, 57, 59. 
Virginia, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 42. 45, 47. 
Voght, Christian, 59. 

Volunteers of Ireland (Loyalist), 42, 53, 54. 
Vulturt, ship -of -war, 70. 

WALN, Richard, 53. 

Wartman, Abraham, 20. 

Washington, Gen. George, 34, 40, 48, 53, 69. 

Watson, Lt. Col., of the Bucks County Light 

Dragoons, 41. 
Watson, Dr. John, 38. 
Wayne, Gen. Anthony, 40, 76, 88. 
Wentworth, John, governor of New Hamp 
shire, 96. 

West Augusta County (Va.), 10. 
West Florida, 109. 
West Indies, 99. 

West Jersey Volunteers (Loyalist), 42, 53. 
West Point (N. Y.), 69. 
Wharton, Thomas, 35. 
"Whig Association," 78. 

Whigs, in strife with Tories in Tryon County, 
(N. Y.), 19; in Philadelphia after arrival of 
the British, 54 ; object to preliminary peace, 
81 ; as prisoners in New York, 99. 
White, Robert, 58. 
Wickersham, Amos, 23. 
Willet, Walter, 41. 
Willing, Richard, 86. 
Willis, William, 39. 
Wilmington (Del.), 34, 38. 
Wilson, James, Esq., 71. 
Wilson, John, 78, 85. 
Winchester (Va.), 37, 46. 
Windron, Hendrik, 19. 
Winslow, Lt. Col. Edward, 104, 108. 
Wintermute, John, 20. 
Wives of Loyalists exiled, 73-75. 
Worcester County (Md.), 16. 

YELDALL, Dr. Anthony, 59, 74. 
York (Pa.), 39. 

York County (Pa.), 46, 58, 72, 92. 
Yorktown (Va.), 12, 13, 16. 
Young, John, 59, 92. 


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